1957: VI Rightist Critiques of Party Members, Organization, Bureaucracy, Tyranny and Privilege (2025)

In January and February 1957, Mao Zedong gave several internal speeches. On the one hand, he encouraged letting a hundred flowers bloom, while on the other hand, he reminded people to weed out poisonous plants.

“I still think we should let a hundred flowers bloom. Some comrades believe that only fragrant flowers should be allowed to bloom, not poisonous weeds. This view shows they don’t fully understand the policy of letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend. Generally speaking, counter-revolutionary speech should, of course, not be allowed to bloom. However, if it doesn’t appear as counter-revolutionary but instead takes on a revolutionary guise, we must let it bloom. This makes it easier to discern and combat. In a field, there are two things growing: one is grain, the other is weeds. Weeds have to be uprooted every year, sometimes several times a year. If you say only fragrant flowers should bloom, not poisonous weeds, it’s like saying only grain should grow in a field, with no weeds at all. Even though we speak like this, anyone who has been to a field knows that if you don’t weed it, there will still be plenty of grass. Weeds have one advantage: when turned over, they become fertilizer.”

“This ‘letting a hundred flowers bloom’ includes various types of flowers, such as wildflowers and fragrant flowers. Some of them are poisonous weeds. If you only want grain—barley, wheat, corn, millet, and rice—but no weeds at all, that’s impossible. Every year, farmers have to weed. If you don’t believe it, go look at the fields this spring; they’ll be full of weeds, though no one knows where they come from. In short, weeds grow every year, just like people wash their faces every day. Farmers have to weed every year. Can we prohibit all weeds from growing? No, we can’t. They will still grow, and you just have to pull them out.”

“Many of our cadres don’t really support the central policy of ‘letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend,’ or ‘long-term coexistence and mutual supervision.’ In fact, they don’t approve. Have I gone too far in saying this? I think nine out of ten senior cadres either don’t support it, or only half-support it, or don’t fully understand it. Very few truly understand and believe in the correctness of this policy. So, a lot of work is needed to persuade them.”

In March 1957, the Chinese Communist Party held a national propaganda work conference in Beijing, attended by non-Party individuals. At this meeting, Mao gave a speech. In this public speech, he encouraged the flourishing of a hundred flowers but did not mention weeding out poisonous plants. Instead, he said that the critique of poisonous weeds should be “well-reasoned, not rough.”

“Letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend is a fundamental and long-term policy, not a temporary one. … Our policy of letting things bloom is still not expansive enough; it is not excessive. Don’t be afraid of letting things bloom, of criticism, or of poisonous weeds. Marxism is scientific truth; it cannot be toppled by criticism. … Of course, I’m not advocating the development of demons and monsters, but even if there are some, it’s not a big deal. The existence of some erroneous things is not surprising, and there’s no need to be afraid of them. … Any incorrect thinking, any poisonous weeds, and any demons and monsters should be criticized. They must not be allowed to spread unchecked. But this criticism should be well-reasoned, analytical, and convincing. It should not be rough, bureaucratic, metaphysical, or dogmatic.”

Many members of the democratic parties and intellectuals who heard the recording of Mao’s March speech had not heard his internal speeches from January and February. Their reaction was enthusiastic and excited. However, within the Communist Party, there were many doubts and confusion. Party members couldn’t understand why, after the revolution’s victory, they now had to be supervised by others. They feared that chaos would ensue, and that future work and leadership would become difficult.

The Central Committee further instructed local Party committees: “In a time when class struggle has essentially ended, the Party Central Committee has proposed the policy of ‘letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend.’ The purpose of this policy is to promote long-term, patient, and detailed Marxist education for intellectuals using methods of persuasion and free debate, rather than rough methods, to help rapidly develop science and literature in our country under Marxist guidance.”

From March 17 to early April, Mao personally toured places like Tianjin, Shandong, Jiangsu, Shanghai, and Zhejiang, holding meetings with local Party cadres and giving speeches to promote the ‘double hundred’ policy. After returning to Beijing, on April 9, Mao reviewed and revised the “Decision on the Rectification Movement (Draft).”

From Wikipedia article 百花齐放、百家争鸣 [via Google Translate — Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom and a Hundred Schools of Thought Compete]

Over 500,000 rightists were persecuted in the Anti-Rightist Campaign that followed the Hundred Flowers. Many spent twenty years in exile, various combinations of being sent to the countryside to ‘learn from the peasants’, operating blast furnaces while under detention during the Great Leap Forward, starving in prison camps during the famine that followed, abused in camp during the Cultural Revolution as the ultra-left line triumphed for several years until finally being politically rehabilitated (and in some cases being given help finding a work assignment) as the Party finally admitted to having made some mistakes in their cases. See for example the chapter from Kong Linping’s memoir Blood Chronicle — Rightist Memoir XXXII: The Marathon of PoliticalRehabilitation

Yidi Wu in her illuminating 2017 UCal Irvine PhD dissertation online at “Blooming, Contending, and Staying Silent: Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957” characterized Lin Xiling and the tenor of the talks she gave not only at her own school but at Peking University (BeiDa) as well.

With a copy of the “secret speech” in hand, Lin Xiling offered a different opinion on Stalin and Mao. She was slightly older and more experienced than other students, since she had joined the People’s Liberation Army before going to Renda as a “cadre student.” She studied journalism and interned at China Youth Daily and then went back to Renda for a law degree. She acknowledged that Mao had made a mistake on the Hu Feng case, which was a trigger of the counterrevolutionary campaign in 1955, and that a personality cult did exist in China. But she described Mao as “mentally clear, and intrinsically different from Stalin,” for which she provided two examples: “Mao did not allow others to celebrate his longevity, or report the news of him swimming across the Yangzi River.” Like many others who mourned Stalin’s death, she cried for three days, but after learning about Khrushchev’s speech, she realized that her tears had been for nothing. She described her change of mind in her speech at Beida: “I used to have a very good impression of Stalin, and I was very angry about the criticism of him at the Twentieth Party Congress. But after I read this secret report, I began to see through Stalin.” Then she offered her views on Stalin’s personality cult:

“The cult of personality is a product of the social system. … The problem of Stalin is not the problem of Stalin the individual; the problem of Stalin could only arise in a country like the Soviet Union, because in the past it had been a feudal, imperialistic nation. China is the same, for there has been no tradition of bourgeois democracy. … Genuine socialism should be very democratic, but ours is undemocratic. I venture to say our society is a socialist one erected on a feudal foundation, an atypical type of socialism, and we must fight for genuine socialism!”

Lin argued that the personality cult had originated within Soviet socialism, which was both undemocratic and feudal. With the same system, China might have the same problem. Unlike other students who simply compared similar symptoms in both countries, Lin attempted to trace the roots of the problems. In a later speech, she explained that her opinions were nothing new, because she was simply agreeing with Tito’s opinions on the causes of Stalin’s mistakes.

Yidi Wu, p. 58 – 59 “Blooming, Contending, and Staying Silent: Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957”

Yidi Wu is an Assistant Professor of History at Elon University in North Carolina. She specializes in modern Chinese history, focusing on student activism, social movements, and higher education. Her PhD dissertation, which puts the Renmin University collection of ‘rightist’ statements translated here into historical, social and political context I have found very helpful. I recommend reading her online dissertation if you would like to get deep into this remarkable book.

You will find several of her statements if you search on ‘Lin Xiling’ in this or in other installments of this series of translations. Here is an example copied from below:

“In my opinion, the scoundrels within the Party should be purged, even if it’s only 1%, it’s still bad for the Party. The newspapers have exposed many cases. For instance, our school’s Dean of Academic Affairs, Li Xin, received an 800-yuan subsidy, and his wife spent it all in two trips to the department store. I think such people are worse than the Kuomintang. I believe these people should be purged from the Party.

There are also some people who, like the masses, have not fulfilled their roles as Party members, such as those with rigid thinking, and they should be mobilized to resign from the Party. I suggest that in the future, when admitting new members to the Party or the Youth League, not only should the Party itself approve, but 70% of the members from the respective unit should also approve, as illustrated in cartoons. Some people have encouraged me to get close to leadership, and there’s even a reporting system. Any minor matter must be reported, even a letter from one’s spouse must be reported to the leadership. Under such circumstances, what’s the point of joining the Party?

If a Party member fails to fulfill their role, and 70% of the masses vote against them, they should be dismissed as a Party member. Moreover, Party and League members should not enjoy material privileges. Many people join the Party or the League due to pressure from the surrounding environment, being pushed into it. Someone once urged me, ‘If you don’t join the League, what will you do later?’ Issues involving legal work and marriage were also solved by membership in this way. There is also a privilege for Party and League members to be promoted and to welcome foreign guests. Once, I was deeply hurt when I wasn’t allowed to welcome Chairman Mao because I wasn’t a Party or League member. Also, some reports are only shared with Party and League members, and certain documents, like ‘Reference News,’ are only accessible to them. To hear and see these things, one is compelled to climb the ranks.

To consolidate the Party and ensure its purity, Party members should not enjoy any special privileges. The only privilege should be the trust of the Party and the people. Those who love fame and fortune must not be allowed to infiltrate the Party. The Party’s doors should be open to those who truly want to serve the people. In this way, with fewer members resigning or being expelled, the Party and League numbers may decrease, but the Party’s real role will be fulfilled, and such people can lead our country.”

“The remedy proposed for Party rectification is laughable. I classify Party members into three categories: one group consists of degenerates, whom I call scoundrels, another group is ineffective, and the last group consists of true Bolsheviks. The Party must purify its ranks. Not purging the scoundrels within the Party is harmful. I have never said that everyone is bad, but I specifically pointed out that a lot of those who joined the Party after liberation are problematic. However, some people immediately conclude that I am saying all post-liberation Party members are bad, which distorts my meaning.”(Student of the Law Department, Renmin University of China, Lin Xiling)

Lin Xiling had many admirers among both students and faculty. One lecturer wrote:

Criticism of Party Practices: I think most of the Party members in our school are somewhat hypersensitive, as if they have developed a habit of it. We need to speak freely and eliminate the “Three Evils【sanhai 三害】 (bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism官僚主义、宗派主义、教条主义),” and we need all Party members to change their mindset. Lin Xiling is able to think critically and speak out—what’s wrong with that? Most Party members (at least in the economics research office) are still stuck in the same old dogma. I have already requested a conversation with the university president. Party members need to change their mindset.
(Lu Ge, Lecturer, Statistics Department, Renmin University of China)

Gan Cui in his interview with Ai Xiaoming mentions Lin Xiling — it was because he defended her right to speak frankly that Gan Cui himself became a ‘rightist’ :

These students shouted at her to step down. However, Lin Xiling, being experienced, continued speaking despite the uproar. Eventually, some students from the audience rushed to the podium, pushed Lin Xiling aside, and seized the microphone to prevent her from speaking. As the chairperson of the meeting, I became angry. I exclaimed, “Do you still believe in democracy? You are allowed to speak, but she is not allowed to express opposing views?” My attitude became clear, which is why I was initially charged with the first crime of supporting Lin Xiling.

From discussion of Lin Xiling in 2013：Ai Xiaoming — Uncensored Interview with Gan Cui on Martyred Poet Lin Zhao, including Deleted Xinjiang Labor Camp Experiences of GanCui

Another name that comes up fairly frequently in these pages is Cao Dafeng, editor at the Renmin University Press.

After liberation, joining the Party brought “Four Blessings”: fast promotion, prestige, ease in finding a spouse, and so on. Under these conditions, when recruiting Party members, we must thoroughly investigate the true motives of applicants and not admit them simply based on short-term enthusiasm. Otherwise, a large number of individuals with impure motives will infiltrate the Party. The Party has grown too fast in recent years. Now, the Chinese Communist Party has about 12 million members, and I fear that many of them are not qualified. Otherwise, there wouldn’t be such widespread criticism from the people.

For example, in our university press, a colleague fabricated many facts during the ‘Three-Anti Campaign’ to avoid being targeted, falsely accusing another colleague of corruption. She confessed multiple times at large meetings and was seen by the Party as a ‘courageous rebel.’ Through her slander, she transformed herself into a politically active figure, while the person she accused was imprisoned as a ‘big tiger’ for nine months, suffering greatly. It wasn’t until a thorough investigation cleared the accused that it became clear the so-called ‘rebel’ was just a slanderer, and the ‘big tiger’ was a scapegoat.

Incidents like this were common during movements, so it’s not surprising. What’s surprising is that even after the truth came out, the ‘slanderer’ was quickly admitted to the Party and promoted three ranks, becoming a Party branch secretary in the press today. In the old society, false accusations were punished with more severe penalties, but in the new society, slander has become a stepping stone to success.

No wonder so many people become enthusiastic about ‘slandering’ during movements. Morally, it’s a sign of a decline in human decency. I’ve personally seen many people who became the so-called backbone of the Party by actively participating in unjust campaigns against innocent comrades, showing their ‘loyalty’ to the Party. Some people, once they have achieved their goal of joining the Party, slack off in their work, and their performance becomes worse than that of the masses. Even if the Party grows to 50 million members, how will that solve the problem? The Party’s strength does not come from numbers but from quality. The Hungarian Communist Party had 900,000 members, yet it collapsed within days.
(Cao Dafeng, Editor, Renmin University Press)

An online comrade alerted me to this book which is online at Marxists.org at高等学校右派言論选編in scanned PDF format. I did optical Chinese character recognition of the scanned PDF file using Wondershare PDF Element with excellent results and then converted the PDF into aWord document available here.There are a few places where the OCR did not get the correct Chinese character; there you can refer to the link at Marxists.org and rely on human optical character recognition — still a bit better. I corrected the Chinese text in a few places where the OCR missed the correct character.

The original scan is imperfect with some characters unclear. I was able to correct some of the character the OCR missed. ChatGPT4o that I used in the translation did an excellent job in scanning the text although I had to correct the translation in several places due to OCR or a machine translation error. I’ve likely missed more mistakes but I am a mere carbon-based entity prone to the occasional error. Scholarly types will want to check the scanned PDF online at Marxists.org 高等学校右派言論选編.

In this series:

• 1958: Party’s “Rightist” Speech Collection After Hundred Flowers Campaign
• 1957: Hundred Flowers Criticisms of Party and State, Part II — Democratic Dictatorship, Centralism, Law…
• 1957: Pt III Hundred Flowers Rightists Speak Out from Party Book
• 1957: Pt. IV ‘Rightists’ Speak — Slandering Mao and the Party
• 1957：Hundred Flowers Critiques of the Party by Rightists Part V — Party Committee System andFactionalism
• 1957: VI Rightist Critiques of Party Members, Organization, Bureaucracy, Tyranny andPrivilege
• 1957: VII Criticizing Party Leadership During “Hundred Flowers” Speak FranklyCampaign
• 1957: Part VIII Party Openness Campaign Confronts Unanticipated Democracy Movement Emerging Down Below; Party Itself at Root of the Dread ‘ThreeEvils’
• 1957: Part IX Excesses of 1955-57 Campaign to Eradicate Counterrevolutionaries; Defending Hu Feng in theArts
• 1957: Part X ‘Rightists’ Criticize Agricultural Collectivization, Industrial and CommercialPolicy
• 1957: XI Hundred Flowers Criticizing Party Leadership, Policies, andMarxism
• 1957: XII ‘Rightist’ Criticisms — Hungary, Industrialization, Slandering the SovietUnion
• 1957: XIII Rightist Critiques of Renmin University Educational Bureaucracy, Talks on Ideology, Society, Soviet Foreign Policy, Press Freedom, and the Hu FengCase

11. Attacking, Distorting, and Slandering Party Organization Development Work

“Joining the Party is like waiting for a public bus. Those who haven’t joined are waiting at the bus stop, but when the bus arrives, the people on board say it’s too crowded, and they don’t even open the doors.
I didn’t join the Party for myself but for work. Since I am the deputy director of the research office, without Party membership, people wouldn’t listen to me, and it would be hard to lead them. Once I got Party membership, leadership became easier. When people join the Party, they like to say ‘to serve the people’ and other such phrases, but I don’t like to say such empty words.”
(Wang Tongdun, Associate Professor at the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 331)

“Suggestions:
(1) If Wu wants to do it, do it; if not, let it go.
(2) University President Hu should look into dogmatism, President Nie should stress the law, and President Zou should look into formalism.
(3) The Party Committee should give up all privileges.
(4) When the department heads come to talk with you, they wear a sword on their waist, and say, ‘Come, let’s talk.’ I don’t dare come to talk. But how can we even talk in such a situation? The departmental hierarchy needs to be adjusted; if they can’t do the job, they should be replaced.
(5) Before the salary adjustment, many people were promoted to lecturers. It needs to checked if the qualifications of Party members actually met the requirements. The education sector is less fair if compared to society in general, and Renmin University is even less fair than others in the education sector. In this salary adjustment, the government lost half of its credibility. Salary increases should be distributed according to the 18.5% average.
(6) Prices are rising, and life is becoming difficult. For department heads and above, their salary increases should be reduced by 18.5%. Promotions and academic titles should be reported and discussed publicly, and appropriate reductions should be made. I am a 60-year-old lecturer, and my situation should be looked into. I truly embody the principle of ‘being concerned with the worries of the world before others and enjoying its pleasures afterward.’ I request a meeting with President Wu. Could we conduct a survey on public opinion in this new society?”
(Wang Dezhou, Lecturer at the Department of Industrial Economics, Renmin University of China)

“The only standard for developing Party members is ‘obedience and following orders.’ New Party members who joined after liberation, when the revolution had already succeeded, were no longer afraid. There was no harm in joining, and the implementation of ‘work according to compensation’ made it profitable. The higher you climb, the better the living conditions, so opportunists have been drawn in. ‘Power corrupts people.’ ‘When in power, they forget the masses.’ ‘The higher the position, the greater the individualism.’ Party leaders are scolded as ‘new officials,’ some are ‘mixed officials,’ some are ‘half-mixed officials,’ and some are basically clean, but still have a bit of corruption.”
(Material from He An, Lecturer at the Department of Industrial Economics, Renmin University of China)

“Self-criticism has turned into randomly assigning blame, like covering yourself in curses. Joining the Party is like winning a lottery, a smooth ride into the Party.”
(Xu Qian, Lecturer at the Statistics Department, Renmin University of China)

“Factionalism also reflects sectarianism within the organization. Lin Xiling proposed that 70% of the masses should approve of someone before they can join the Party, and I think this is right. Only then can we have real Bolsheviks, although her specific methods should be considered carefully. Currently, there aren’t eight conditions for joining the Party—there’s only one: obedience. During the rectification movement, many people feared that after expressing their opinions, they wouldn’t be able to join the Party. All Party members should supervise each other, and when approving new members, we shouldn’t only approve those who are obedient and never express opinions.

(p. 332)

The Party organization must prove through its actions that this is not the condition for joining. Only then will the masses dare to give both positive and negative feedback to the organization.”
“The Party is not sincere with the masses, focusing only on their flaws. Developing Party members no longer follows The Eight Conditions, but only one: shut up. The only thing people say is ‘I support,’ ‘yes, yes, yes,’ and this has led to rigidity.”
(Wang Jingzhi, Lecturer at the Finance Department, Renmin University of China)

“Nowadays, only those who say yes to everything can join the Party. Independent thinkers aren’t considered. This phenomenon is widespread in Party-building work. Those doing organizational work hold the ‘final card’ on one hand, using it as bait, while on the other hand, they use Party membership as leverage. The Party organization takes historical issues too seriously and isn’t concerned about clarifying everyone’s background.”
(Material from Zhang Qi, Lecturer at the History Department, Renmin University of China)

He expressed strong resentment toward the Party for absorbing some intellectuals from higher education institutions after liberation, saying, “The Party is messing things up by handing out Party membership.”
(Material from Yang Dairu, Student at the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“People today know very little about what a future communist society will actually look like. This makes me wonder, how can so many people join the Party when they aren’t even clear about communism? Is this appropriate? What is the point of it? It’s very confusing. From my own experience, I’ve never met a genuine Marxist without reservations in real life. It makes me wonder whether such people even exist.”
(Tao Wenda, Assistant at the Department of Political Economy Research, Renmin University of China)

(p. 333)

“Some new Party members joined through flattery or family connections, and the selection of activists is often done on a whim. Some new Party members flatter those in charge, which makes others feel embarrassed.”
(Sun Guomei, Assistant at the History Department, Renmin University of China)

In Party development work, “the decision of a particular leader plays a significant role.” He believes, “I’m not bad at everything; it’s just because I can criticize the leadership that they don’t like me, so I can’t join the Party.”
(Material from Tian Fang, Lecturer at the Department of Industrial Economics, Renmin University of China)

“There are ‘family connections’ in Party membership. These things do exist within the Party. Sometimes it’s easy to join—it’s just a matter of luck.”
(Wang Dianbao, Assistant at the Russian Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

“Joining the Party or Youth League should have at least 70% approval from the masses. Currently, membership is only approved by the Party or Youth League, but the masses should also have the power to remove ineffective members. The Party should not have any special privileges. Its only privilege should be the trust given by the people. Party members should suffer hardships before others and enjoy the benefits last. They shouldn’t receive material privileges. That way, only those who genuinely want to serve the people and work for communism will join the Party. Otherwise, they can stay out.”
(Lin Xiling, Student at the Law Department, Renmin University of China)

“In the countryside, most Party members are traitors and scoundrels. Most of them are bad people. It’s easy to join the Party but hard to leave. If I could speak Tibetan, I would have joined the Party long ago.”
(Zhang Bingjun, Student at the Trade Department, Renmin University of China)

“Regarding the absorption of Party members, 40% of Party members joined in a way that makes people respect them, but there are also problems. Some people flatter the leadership to get in, while others like me can’t join because we don’t want to flatter anyone. Some people who joined the Party aren’t even qualified. Absorbing Party members shouldn’t be done through factionalism. The masses should be consulted before a decision is made, and it shouldn’t be up to a small number of people.”
(Wang Wenbin, Student at the Archival Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 334)

“Since 1952, there has been a deviation in Party development work. The first type of person is the ‘lucky ones,’ those with natural advantages or relationships who can join the Party. The second type is those who understand how to flatter people and smooth things over. People like this need proper education to reduce their sense of entitlement. It might not be entirely accurate to say Party members have special privileges, but we could say ‘they benefit from opportunities.'”
(Zhang Guangwei, Lecturer at the Department of Agricultural Economics, Renmin University of China)

1. In the past, joining the Party meant eating bark and grass stems, and risking your life to fight—that was for the revolution. Now, people join the Party to climb up the ranks.
2. The development of the organization is unhealthy. There is a bad trend where people will do whatever they’re told to join the Party, flattering and groveling for personal gain, just like the way Ren Jinlong developed.
3. In two classes, the quality of new Party members was good, but out of four new Party members, I only admire one. The other three got in by idling their way through. If they didn’t join, they wouldn’t study hard. The Party felt pressure because of this. Moreover these people’s motives for joining were impure—they had ulterior motives. Guo Qiong and Jin Long flattered their way into the Party.
4. I’ve been part of the revolution for ten years and still can’t join the organization. The organization hasn’t helped me enough. I’ve been dealing with the issue of joining the Party for ten years, but the Party keeps pushing me aside. I won’t join the Party. I’ll be a red democratic figure—a Bolshevik outside the Party.”
   (Hao Ju, Student at the Trade Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party’s development work should be placed under the supervision of the masses. In the past, the Party would choose people who were subservient and compliant as development targets, but those who liked to voice opinions couldn’t join the Party. A leader at a commercial school told her, ‘Little Han! If you had said fewer things and caused less trouble, you would have been promoted to Party membership long ago!’ The Party organization at the commercial school only developed obedient individuals.”
(Han, Student at the History Department, Renmin University of China)

“Party members should first be ‘voted on’ by the masses. The masses have the right to supervise the Party within the organization. When a Party member joins, the masses in that unit should vote, and anyone over the age of ten should have the right to vote. The outcome of the vote is for the Party’s reference, and the final decision on whether to accept a member still rests with the Party. If the masses do not approve, the Party may or may not admit the person. He believes that only in this way can the Party’s quality be guaranteed. In the past, the Party sought the opinions of the masses when accepting new members, but without formal mechanisms (like voting), it couldn’t fully ensure the Party’s integrity.”
(Gu Peixian, Student at the Department of Agricultural Economics, Renmin University of China)

(p. 335)

“In the past, when the organization was developing Party members, leaders would find their spouses, and as long as the spouse agreed, the person could join the Party quickly. Meanwhile, those who worked honestly and didn’t completely obey the leadership found it very difficult to join.”
(Wu Siwei, Student at the Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“In my class’s Party branch, no matter how qualified you are, if you don’t flatter the branch committee, you can’t join the Party.”
(Wang Shulou, Student at the Trade Department, Renmin University of China)

“Bias and favoritism are serious when developing Party members. If the introducer says ‘the person isn’t far off,’ it means they’re almost qualified. The eight criteria for joining the Party are like a rubber ruler—stretchable and shrinkable. Selecting Party members is like using a rubber ruler to buy goods or like a girl choosing a husband. They don’t cultivate anyone but just pick those who meet the requirements. The ones who best fit the rubber ruler are those who are slippery and compliant (they never express opinions, never criticize, obey leadership, and are united with fellow Party members). The test is indefinite, which is tormenting and makes me very unhappy.

Now, I’m not even considered an activist. The Party organization should reflect on how it cultivates people. I’m thinking that someday, when a new Party is formed with large numbers of young people who couldn’t join the Party, I will participate in it (referring to a party formed by over-age Youth League members). If I become twisted, it’s because of the test.”
(Fang Wenzhai, Student at the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“… There is a wide gap between Party members and non-Party members… Those Party members or activists who find it easy to join or be selected tend to fall into the following categories:

1. Those with good family backgrounds (which is understandable),
2. Those who can sway with the wind and align with the Party branch committee or certain authoritative individuals, and
3. So-called honest people who don’t express opinions or reveal any problems. Such people are fortunate enough to join the Party… The branch doesn’t consider whether a Party member is strong but whether they are loyal to ‘itself.'” (Bai Yuxiao, Student at the Law Department, Renmin University of China)

“There are contradictions in the development of Party members. Spouses of high-ranking officials receive special treatment, and well-known figures in society who make slight progress are easily accepted, while there may not be many issues with minor officials, yet they are not accepted.”
(Shu Hongtao, Student at the Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 336)

“The Party’s development work has been too rash:
It’s all about class background now, with a focus on vigorously developing working-class activists.
The Party is only willing to accept those who have low political awareness, who are compliant, honest, and don’t cause trouble.”
(Li Zhijie, Student at the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“Currently, Party members are accepted to maintain order, and anyone who disagrees with leadership is considered bad. This will deepen the contradictions and opposition between the people and the Party…
Why does our ruling class (the working class) have factionalism? It is directly related to their change in status. In the past, most Party members were excellent, but after liberation, most of those joining the Party have been merely obedient, and as long as they behave like the leadership, they can join.”
(Pu Zhongwen, Student at the Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

“A person with a poor class background is always treated as inferior. Feng Wei shed tears as he recounted his experience over the past few years, saying, ‘Because of my family’s background, I can’t join the Party. Even when I’m selected as a model or invited to participate in an event, I’m not allowed to go. I doubt there are two kinds of people—am I really going to throw a grenade when I get to Tiananmen? I wish I could be born again.’
Wen Chang said he had applied for Party membership since 1950, passed the group vote, but the branch never followed through. He’s been ‘tested’ for eight years. As he recounted this, he wept. He even thought that if more young people couldn’t join the Party in the future, a new Party could be formed. He gave an example of how factionalism has developed to an extreme: three people with the same educational background started working at the same time—two were Party members, one became a leader at the county level, the other at the district level, while the non-Party member became a clerk.”
(Poster at Renmin University of China)

“Party development is about meeting the Party’s needs. When the right conditions are met, they let you in. The Party’s constitution is just a formality; there are no real standards.”
(Du Shuyun, Graduate Student at the Marxism-Leninism Research Program, Renmin University of China)

(p. 337)

“Unless Taiwan is liberated, I can’t join the Party!”
(Yin Mengzhou said, ‘I have a brother in the Kuomintang’s Ministry of Defense. Whenever there’s a political movement, I’m repeatedly interrogated and must repeatedly re-examine myself. I was only one or two years old when it happened, how could I have understood his entire history? But Party members say, “Think about it.” This implies I’m dishonest and trying to hide something.’
Mi Xiuling couldn’t join the Party at his previous workplace because his brother was in Taiwan, and he angrily said, ‘Taiwan hasn’t been liberated, so unless I go to Taiwan to do underground work, I can’t join the Party!’ Based on this logic, anyone with relatives in imperialist countries probably won’t be able to join until communism triumphs worldwide. By then, it will be too late!”)
(Poster at Renmin University of China)

Protesting the ‘Class Background First’ Principle in Party Development

“Because my father was a counter-revolutionary who was executed, even though I only lived with him for a year and a half and we didn’t have a good relationship, this has determined my entire fate. I will always be discriminated against and will never truly belong to the Party. What saddens me even more is that, for the rest of my life, I can only strive to be an ‘outside Bolshevik.’
I protest the Party’s regulations! Down with the ‘Class Background First’ principle. We should analyze the influence of a family on a person’s beliefs and admit members based on their personal loyalty to the Party. Don’t force people with poor performance but good backgrounds into the Party while excluding those who perform well but have poor backgrounds.”
(Poster at Renmin University of China)

“Party membership is developed in secret, without being made public. Ultimately, the development of Party members within departments is not entirely based on the eight criteria for membership. The main criterion is obedience and not voicing opinions. Those who dare to express opinions and criticism are all kept outside the door.”
(Wang Jingzhi, Liu Zhao, and Mai Xiakang, Finance Department, Renmin University of China)

“Secretary Gao has four standards for accepting new Party members:
(1) Good family background,
(2) Consistently good behavior,
(3) Obedience to the Party, and
(4) Flattering and smiling at Party members.”
(Big Character Poster dazibao at Renmin University of China)

(p. 338)

• “A letter to Liu Zhenjiang in December 1956 included: ‘Let me talk about when I will join the Party… I’ve come to understand this thing over the past four years. I will not bow my head. When I graduate, I will avoid it and won’t deal with it. I’ll walk my own path and stay out of the mountains, avoiding the tiger’s pursuit. Right now, it’s not that I’m dissatisfied; it’s just like the saying “a scholar can be killed but not humiliated.” You’ve praised me for my integrity, and I hope you can support me… I won’t let them kill me. Truth cannot bow to unreason.’
• This shows her extreme dissatisfaction and resentment toward the Party for not advancing her to membership. In a piece titled ‘The Gray Party Membership Card,’ she slanders the Party by saying the branch issued ‘gray membership cards,’ claiming that the new Party members were insincere. She followed up by accusing them of being ‘the lackeys of justice and the persecuted’ and said, ‘We should tear up the gray Party membership cards. What power is behind them? A jealous heart?’
• ‘Repressing democracy while elevating protégés’ and ‘distributing gray Party membership cards to find confidants for themselves while burdening the Party and creating enemies among the people,’ describing new members as ‘those who submit to themselves,’ ‘lap dogs for their introducers,’ and ‘family connections…'”
  (Material from Peng Cheng, Law Department, Renmin University of China)

“There is factionalism in the development of Party members. People join the Party through nepotism, and those who are developed as Party members are good at flattery and praise but do not think critically, only nodding in agreement.”
(Chen Yongquan, Lecturer at the Russian Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

“At the time of liberation, there were over a thousand Party members in the Xi’an region, but now there are over 40,000, and the quality has been affected. Currently, joining the Party is like what Lu Xun said: ‘A hero who also plays it safe.‘ At the very least, you can become a leader. Based on the recent revelations, more bad students than good ones have been absorbed into the Party. Therefore, I suggest that Party members be selected as follows:

(p. 339)

1. Among students, they should be chosen from the top ten in their class, and
2. Among highly educated intellectuals, there should not be an overemphasis on those in the natural sciences.
3. Many of the old Party members from the revolution who left the Party due to circumstances are now among the democratic parties, and most of them have remained consistently progressive with a good reputation.

I have heard it is difficult for them to join the Party now, which I don’t understand. I believe they should be absorbed into the Party in greater numbers.”
(Wang Jiesan, Xi’an Normal College)

“The Party’s development of its organization and the cultivation of activists is based on class background—class background determines everything. The Party cultivates cadres based on virtue rather than ability. The Party does not give importance to talented people, and now, the cadres are incompetent.”
(Chen Lingsheng, Central South Institute of Mining and Metallurgy)

“The current work of Party organization building revolves around personal worship and developing private cliques. Such a Party becomes a group of factionalism and is unpopular.”
(Fang Wenxin, Lanzhou University)

• “Party members should be accepted only with the approval of the masses. The people the Party accepts are those who are constantly whispering in others’ ears. Meetings are just formalities, and others in the branch don’t know the situation at all. It’s still the person delivering reports who introduces new members, as was the case with Zhang Xiurong’s admission to the Party. Activists report flattering remarks to gain the trust of the organization. The Party is nothing special; Party members ride on the heads of other people. Once Party members hold your information, they can do as they please. Party members have privileges.”
• He considered the ‘New Eight Points’ attacking the Party to be “very insightful.” “The Party members admitted by my class’s branch are those who frequently report on others.”
  (Material from Wen Qichen, Russian Language Institute)

“My Institute’s Eight Criteria for Joining the Party:

1. It doesn’t matter if your academic performance isn’t good.
2. You must be able to monitor your classmates’ activities.
3. You must be willing to dedicate your entire life to the Institute’s Party Committee.
4. You must be obedient and absolutely follow orders.
5. You must act as the eyes and ears of the Party, reporting all information back to the Party Committee.
6. You must be the mouthpiece of the Party, without your own opinions.
7. You must strictly keep the secrets of our Institute’s work.
8. Embrace the ‘superiority’ of being a Party member.”
   (Poster at the Russian Language Institute)

(p. 340)

“1. Perform the work and tasks assigned by the administration, the Party, and the Youth League, whether they are appropriate or not, agree to everything with a raised hand and without expressing any opinions. This can only be beneficial to you, not harmful. If the assignment is incorrect, the leadership is responsible, and those who agree with it bear no blame. If it turns out to be right, you’ll get credit for it.
2. Avoid caring about things around you. Close the door and don’t ask questions. If you have an opinion, it’s better not to mention it or to mention it sparingly. If you must, be careful and thoughtful to avoid offending the leadership; otherwise, you’ll invite trouble.
3. In the presence of the masses, refrain from expressing opinions and instead go along with the crowd. Or remain silent. Use what you hear from the masses as material for reporting to the leadership. Report on Zhang San’s absurd remarks or Li Si’s dissatisfaction to show concern for the leadership while ingratiating yourself with the organization.
4. Frequently make ideological reports. Report verbally every three days and in writing every five days. Today, reflect on your individualism; tomorrow, criticize yourself for lacking strong mass views; the next day, identify the roots of your lack of organizational discipline. In every situation, admit your mistakes with deep sorrow and frequently declare that you are at fault. This way, the leadership will know that you hold yourself to strict standards and conduct ideological struggles day and night, always ready to admit your mistakes.
If you meet these four criteria, you are considered a good cadre. After cozying up to the leadership and the Party members and building good relationships with them, the day of your Party admission won’t be far off. At that point, you can sit back and wait for the organization to develop you.”
(Poster at the Russian Language Institute)

(p. 341)

“The Party’s development work is carried out secretly, just like the underground Party. Activists work underground to join the Party.”
(Wu Qinghua’s admission to the Party, Material from the Russian Language Institute)

“In Wu Qinghua’s admission to the Party, I was initially shocked, then furious. It was simply unbelievable that such a person could join the Party. His capital for joining the Party was flattery toward superiors and reporting on others. In front of Party members Xia Zhizhu and Yu Liying, he was obsequious, flattering them at every turn. Whatever they said became his sacred decree, and he dared not object. This is how he won the favor of his ‘masters,’ rising step by step from an unknown nobody to class monitor, wielding power and suppressing democracy.

(p. 341)

By the ‘boss’s decrees’, he controlled the entire class. In front of his classmates, he put on airs as class monitor, intimidating others by saying, ‘How dare you disobey organizational discipline?’ Sometimes, he would laugh slyly in front of his classmates, but beneath the smile was a hidden knife. He reported everything people said to the organization, seeking to claim credit for it. Under the protection of his ‘masters,’ this accomplished servant quietly joined the Party.”
(Tan Shaogan, Russian Language Institute)

In the submission to Guangming Daily by the rightist Wu Qingyang, he wrote: “There was a large-character poster titled ‘What Kind of People Can Join the Party,’ followed by the so-called ‘New Eight Points’ (which should have been in parentheses). Although these eight points do not fully describe every Party member, they are very close to the truth for some. The author believes the ‘New Eight Points’ are quite valuable as a reference, so here they are:

1. Possess a vague sense of class consciousness.
2. Always stay close to the organization and frequently whisper with Party members (which means separating from the masses and only following upper-level instructions).
3. Maintain a steady stance, always following the organization’s orders and carrying them out thoroughly (which, based on other large-character posters, can be interpreted as flattering superiors while bullying subordinates).
4. Have good relations with the masses, remaining neutral and aloof.
5. Be cautious and vague when handling matters.
6. Have satisfactory academic and work performance, though not too outstanding.
7. Have no obvious strengths or weaknesses.
8. Cause no major problems but also make no significant contributions.

Of course, not every Party member possesses all eight of these traits, but those who do tend to have poor relationships with the masses. The masses see them as traitors, informants, or two-faced individuals. They often treat people with differing opinions as enemies, at best ignoring or isolating them, and at worst, attacking them so they can never raise their heads again. Those recognized by the leadership become ‘privileged nobles’ among the Party elite, even if they were never approved by the masses.”
(Material from Wu Qingyang, Russian Language Institute)

(p. 342)

“Joining the Party involves using informants and attacking others as tools.”
(Gu Shouchang, Sun Yat-sen University)

“At Sun Yat-sen University, the Party only develops members who are obedient and dare not criticize the Party. In the History Department, Party members are developed through personal connections.”
(Duanmu Zheng, Sun Yat-sen University)

“At my institute (Beijing Sports Institute, Editor’s note), only the most obedient people can join the Party. Those who are outspoken and have opinions cannot join. The Party organization should explain what they mean by ‘obedient.’ The Party sees anyone who is outspoken as a dissenter. I wonder how the Party has gained such a high reputation, and I worry whether even Chairman Mao could make mistakes.”
(Zhang Shijie, Beijing Sports Institute)

11. Slandering the Reporting System

“Reporting is just the development of intelligence gathering. The reports all come from Party members and Youth League members. Across from where I live, there is an assistant professor who wants to join the Party, so he makes reports. Reporting is very dangerous; if it’s accurate, fine, but if not, it’s problematic.”
(Professor Yang Zuping, School of Journalism, Renmin University of China)

“Party members who report to the Party organization are ‘little bureaucrats,’ and those who receive the reports are ‘big bureaucrats.’ The little bureaucrats’ reports are often inaccurate, and the leaders who listen to these reports only collect small faults from the masses as material to ‘deal with people.’ This abnormal reporting system has damaged normal relationships between comrades and has bureaucratized the system.”
(Sun Guomei, Assistant Lecturer, History Department, Renmin University of China)

Calling for the abolition of the reporting system: “It brings more harm than good, causing relationships between comrades to become less close.”
(Material from Wu Siwei, Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 343)

“I think the reporting system is wrong. It feels like gathering information on counter-revolutionaries. I personally have a strong aversion to it, and it makes me resistant.”
(Zhang Zhijiao, History Department, Renmin University of China)

“The reporting system itself is a reflection of bureaucratic behavior. One must report in order to understand the situation, and without that, it’s impossible to be a true friend. This shows that without standing above the masses, one cannot be considered a Party member.”
(Jiang Shaojun, Research Student, Marxist-Leninist Research Class, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party requires reports on everything. Doesn’t this make them like the Kuomintang’s plainclothes police? If not, then what is it?”
(Duan Tieshan, Assistant Lecturer, Russian Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

“Judging Party members is based on how many reports they submit. The more they report, the better a Party member they are considered. Party members have taken on the role of plainclothes police, monitoring the masses. You can’t blame the Party members for this; it’s the Party organization that instructs them to gather intelligence, so the responsibility lies with the Party organization.”
(Ge Peiqi, Lecturer, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“Reporting to the Party organization is the behavior of a little spy.”
(Pan Shiyuan, Philosophy Department, Renmin University of China)

“Now is the period of socialist construction, and there’s no need for reporting anymore. Some Party members even report on trivial things like people going out shopping or to the restroom.”
(Yang Xiangru, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“Leaders just sit in their offices listening to reports. For Party members, it’s better because they have organizational life and understand each other more. But for the masses, when they are labeled, they might not even understand why, which burdens them.”
(Qian Duansheng, Beijing College of Political Science and Law)

(p. 344)

13. Slandering the Party’s Organizational Discipline

“The Soviet Communist Party and our Party have too strict thought control; there are remnants of Stalin’s errors.”
(Zhang Qi, Lecturer, History Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party only likes obedient people. In fact, this leads to people being submissive, with organizational discipline forcing everyone to conform. This hides the real issue of ‘obedience.’ Consequently, in work, people just go through the motions, losing their enthusiasm, unable to argue or think independently. People who dare to voice opinions are labeled with terms like ‘resisting leadership,’ ‘dissatisfied with the Party,’ ‘opposing the Party,’ ‘anti-Party,’ and so on… I feel embarrassed to draw the final conclusion.”
(Xu Qian, Lecturer, Statistics Department, Renmin University of China)

“My interest in organizational life is zero. Branch meetings are like vinegar jars; everyone just shares superficial experiences, and there’s no debate. I find this ‘sharing experiences’ concept very off-putting. After the Stalin issue, I felt the need for independent thinking, which is exactly what’s missing. This kind of ideological rigidity is not only true for political thinking and policy discussions but also for academic issues. I see my department as ideologically rigid, hypersensitive, and stuck in a corner, with no one paying attention. Before the period of openness and airing grievances, I had already mentally placed myself outside of the Party and had no interest in the organization. Besides, no one tries to understand me, so I put myself first and trust myself. I live in my own world, and my interest in reports and political life is nonexistent.”
(Sun Guomei, Assistant Lecturer, History Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party lacks warmth and is too rigid. Socialism comes from a single mold; the discipline, dictatorship, and concentration of power are too harsh. Is it possible to float gently into socialism?”
(Wang Hongzhang, Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 345)

“There is not enough democracy within the Party. During elections, candidates are elected as soon as they are nominated, which is just formalism. The Party congress reports check very few shortcomings, and discussions are limited. Delegates are too afraid to raise objections in front of the Central Committee. It is very difficult for Party members to convey their opinions upward.”
(Zhu Yannian, History Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party demands that members obey resolutions. Why is there so little democracy? I believe the Party lacks internal democracy and does not allow freedom of speech. I hope Party members can bring some vitality to Party life. In the future, I will rely on my abilities to make a living and never rely on my status as a Party member.”
(Sun Yigang, Law Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party’s organizational life has many strict rules, such as no backbiting, no gossiping, no exaggeration, no one-sidedness, and a focus on curing people’s issues and seeking truth from facts. These rules blunt people’s edges—what’s the point of that?”
(Tong Jun, Research Student, Marxist-Leninist Research Class, Renmin University of China)

“Elections in the general branch and branches are not democratic. They should be conducted entirely through secret ballots, and leaders should not nominate candidates. The Party constitution should not be passed without Party members’ discussion, as this is undemocratic.”
(Gu Peixian, Agricultural Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 346)

“We demand the full development of democracy and freedom. All state organs, factories, enterprises, schools… everything should be led entirely through elections, and the Communist Party’s leadership in all departments should be abolished.”
(Big character poster at Renmin University of China)

Inside the Party, there is a high degree of centralization, but not a high degree of democracy. There is only a little democracy, not the big democracy (the right to discuss Party policies). Party members have many obligations but few rights. Ma Yunfeng’s expulsion from the Party was unreasonable and a sign of restricting Party members’ independent thinking. The Party should implement universal suffrage.
(Pan Junmin, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

14. Attacking and Defaming Party Members

Within the Party, there are some individual comrades who still think, “This world was won by me, and outsiders are just benefiting from it.” They feel great hatred towards non-Party members for supposedly enjoying the fruits of their labor. Specifically, when it comes to material benefits, they are overcome with jealousy. Consequently, they forget unity and focus on their personal status and benefits. They harbor resentment towards non-Party members, picking on every little thing and faulting them for anything and everything.

Some would even want to kick non-Party members out altogether. These individuals are solely concerned with their personal gain, putting their own interests above those of the Party. They only see partial interests, ignoring the overall interests of the Party. This stems from personal ambition, and what they care about most is personal status, personal enjoyment, and personal benefits. They like to be in the spotlight, engage in back-and-forth favors, and flatter others in the hope of advancing their personal agendas. Their understanding of Party policies and the relationship between individuals and the organization is weak.

This is both a symptom of factionalism and evidence that certain individuals lack true Party spirit. If this continues, it will lead to very negative consequences. There are indeed contradictions between Party members and non-Party members, and these contradictions are quite deep. However, these issues are specific to individuals and are not widespread. Generally speaking, the relationship between Party members and non-Party members is still good.
(Professor Lang Langtian, Finance Department, Renmin University of China)

At Renmin University, the issue is that there are many Party members. Good things come from them, but bad things as well. The organizational structure of the university is dense and oppressive. Using the analogy of a large family hierarchy: the department head is like my father, the personnel office is like my grandfather, the academic affairs office is like my great-grandfather, the president is like the emperor, and the highest authority is the Ministry of Higher Education, like the supreme emperor. Our school leadership bows three times to the supreme emperor, obeying every command. No one dares to say a single word of opposition. The Party members have climbed above us in the workplace.

The senior professors suffer, the engineers suffer—they suffer so much they don’t want to live anymore. Party members have become like fathers to us, and it’s hard for us, as children, to bear. Young Party members may be innocent, but they’re still climbing above us. They become heads of departments. In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, officials are selected based on talent, but even there, some do not perform well. As Chu Anping said, “It’s all you. When I criticize one Party member, 19 other Party members disagree with me—that’s a conditioned response. Is there such a thing as Party members protecting each other?”
(Professor Xu Mengxiong, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 347)

After liberation, 90% of Party members were incompetent, yet they still held leadership positions. How could this not lead to bureaucracy?
(Associate Professor Wang Tongzu, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

I ask that Party members show more humanity. I hope that Party members, besides demonstrating Party spirit, can also exhibit some basic human decency. This isn’t contradictory to Marxist-Leninist thought. Party members should not let the gap between Party spirit and the people’s needs grow too large. Party members have come to see themselves as privileged. They must ‘lay down the butcher’s knife and immediately become Buddha-like.’ Today, the Party not only needs to clean its face but should swallow the soap and clean itself from the inside out.
(Professor Li Jinghan, Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

How can the relationship between the Party and the people be improved? The Journalism Department is a special department, and the Foreign Language Research Office is also a special research office. I’ll give a small example I encountered: when taking the bus from the western suburbs into the city, even if there’s an empty seat next to you, a Party member won’t sit beside you. Why? Because we are just the masses.
(Associate Professor Wang Tongzu, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

Now Party members exhibit two things in excess and two things in deficit. The excess is in their sense of privilege and superiority. ‘I am the organization,’ ‘I am Chairman Mao,’ and on the international stage, ‘I am Stalin, I am Marx.’ After liberation, there were many kinds of preschools, but the ones in the streets were the worst. The deficit is in two areas: a lack of a sense of law and a lack of moral conscience. During a speech, a vice-principal said that the Constitution could be applied flexibly.

(p. 348)

Even Yuan Shikai wouldn’t have dared to say such a thing! In the Beihai Literary and Historical Research Institute, a Party member repeatedly committed rape but was only sentenced to one year in prison. That institution even wrote directly to say that this person was needed for work and couldn’t be replaced. In the end, the one-year sentence was suspended. How can the people endure this? The public only has faith in Chairman Mao. They hope for peace in the world, but the gap between the people and the Party is growing. If this rectification movement does not produce results, it will be very dangerous.
(Professor Li Jinghan, Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

Some people now possess a sense of superiority in their thinking—this is the primary issue. The second issue is complicity; they flatter and support each other to maintain their privileges. Party members have established ‘independent kingdoms’ everywhere, and the people can’t stand it. It’s like it was during the Yuan Dynasty when Mongols occupied homes and issued orders everywhere.
(Professor Wang Dezhou, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

There are three types of Party members: one type is those who simply nod and agree; another type is skilled at understanding the leader’s intentions and acting accordingly, adjusting to the situation; and the third type is those who are experts at stirring things up, boasting, and flattering. It is the last type of Party member that enjoys the most trust from the leadership.
(Wu Jialin, Lecturer, Law Department, Renmin University of China)

Old Party members are uneducated, hold high ranks, and receive high wages, but they are useless. They lack both virtue and talent, yet live off their old merits. The new Party members, while enthusiastic, lack real knowledge and skills—they are compliant and have no edge. Active members are those who act according to the leadership’s whims, and it’s not enough for them to have their edges softened—they must be flattened so that they can bounce back when needed.
(Meng Yang, Lecturer, Department of History of Economic Thought, Renmin University of China)

Criticism of Party Practices: I think most of the Party members in our school are somewhat hypersensitive, as if they have developed a habit of it. We need to speak freely and eliminate the “Three Evils【sanhai 三害】 (bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism官僚主义、宗派主义、教条主义),” and we need all Party members to change their mindset. Lin Xiling is able to think critically and speak out—what’s wrong with that? Most Party members (at least in the economics research office) are still stuck in the same old dogma. I have already requested a conversation with the university president. Party members need to change their mindset.
(Lu Ge, Lecturer, Statistics Department, Renmin University of China)

(p. 349)

The Party protects its members, and Party members enjoy the privileges of a factional organization. There are two sets of principles at play: one for the Party and another for the Party organization and Party members. The Party organization treats non-Party members unfairly. They claim the Party’s only interest is the people’s interest, but in reality, the Party organization protects its members, considering them as superior.

When Party members make mistakes, the organization is lenient, but non-Party members face harsh penalties. During salary evaluations, only Party membership is considered, not one’s actual work. Criticism of Party members does not lead to solutions; instead, those who criticize are labeled as having personal agendas. For instance, Party members often receive higher ranks than non-Party members, simply based on their membership, creating a gap and a wall between them. I believe this gap and wall do exist. Party members even enjoy housing privileges. In social enterprises, the distinction between Party, League, and non-members is not as strict as in our school. In our school, participation in any work must involve Party members, which adds a mental burden on people.
(Sun Guomei, Assistant Lecturer, History Department, Renmin University of China)

I believe the Communist Party is a factional group. It can neither represent the interests of farmers nor intellectuals, and it cannot represent the interests of the working class. The old cadres became corrupt after moving into the city, and the new Party members are all people who simply nod and agree.
(Material from Wu Jialin, Lecturer, Law Department, Renmin University of China)

After liberation, joining the Party brought “Four Blessings”: fast promotion, prestige, ease in finding a spouse, and so on. Under these conditions, when recruiting Party members, we must thoroughly investigate the true motives of applicants and not admit them simply based on short-term enthusiasm. Otherwise, a large number of individuals with impure motives will infiltrate the Party. The Party has grown too fast in recent years. Now, the Chinese Communist Party has about 12 million members, and I fear that many of them are not qualified. Otherwise, there wouldn’t be such widespread criticism from the people.

For example, in our university press, a colleague fabricated many facts during the ‘Three-Anti Campaign’ to avoid being targeted, falsely accusing another colleague of corruption. She confessed multiple times at large meetings and was seen by the Party as a ‘courageous rebel.’ Through her slander, she transformed herself into a politically active figure, while the person she accused was imprisoned as a ‘big tiger’ for nine months, suffering greatly. It wasn’t until a thorough investigation cleared the accused that it became clear the so-called ‘rebel’ was just a slanderer, and the ‘big tiger’ was a scapegoat.

(p. 350)

Incidents like this were common during movements, so it’s not surprising. What’s surprising is that even after the truth came out, the ‘slanderer’ was quickly admitted to the Party and promoted three ranks, becoming a Party branch secretary in the press today. In the old society, false accusations were punished with more severe penalties, but in the new society, slander has become a stepping stone to success.

No wonder so many people become enthusiastic about ‘slandering’ during movements. Morally, it’s a sign of a decline in human decency. I’ve personally seen many people who became the so-called backbone of the Party by actively participating in unjust campaigns against innocent comrades, showing their ‘loyalty’ to the Party. Some people, once they have achieved their goal of joining the Party, slack off in their work, and their performance becomes worse than that of the masses. Even if the Party grows to 50 million members, how will that solve the problem? The Party’s strength does not come from numbers but from quality. The Hungarian Communist Party had 900,000 members, yet it collapsed within days.
(Cao Dafeng, Editor, Renmin University Press)

“Party members are not exploiters who possess means of production.” (Archives Officer of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Cui Zhimin)

“The title of ‘Party member’ has made them proud. They no longer share the same hardships with the masses as they did during the War of Resistance to Japan. They see themselves as superior to the masses. In their daily lives, they make people feel that Party members are always there to educate the masses, which oversimplifies the principle of Party discipline. For example, when welcoming foreign heads of state, they don’t inform others in advance, as if no one outside the Party can be trusted.” (Translator of the Translation Office, Renmin University of China, Li Heting)

(p.351)

“After liberation, the quality of Party members declined. Some weaknesses in the cadre policy and flaws in the salary system, combined with the Party’s leadership position and the current peaceful environment, objectively led to a situation where joining the Party meant gaining certain ‘privileges’ (political and material). As a result, after liberation, some opportunists coveted these privileges and used every trick to slip past the eyes of certain Party leaders and sneak into the Party, treating Party membership as a stepping stone for personal fame and fortune.

Due to the preferential conditions enjoyed by Party members in cadre promotions and salary policies, I believe that in most cases today, the slogan ‘Party members suffer first and enjoy later’ has become an empty slogan…” “I support classifying Party members into three categories: Bolsheviks, ineffective members, and opportunists—scoundrels. This classification does not constitute slander against the Party. As for the third category of Party members, who don’t live up to their titles, they should be purged, and the ambitious ones should be expelled.” (Translator of the News Department, Renmin University of China, Xu Jing’an)

“The Party and Youth League Central Committees should expedite the rectification of the Party and the League based on the rectification campaign. Party rectification is not just an internal matter; the people also have a say. Because the Party enjoys high prestige among the people, the ruling Party is tied to the fate of the people, so everyone must be concerned.

To truly play the Party’s role, we must ensure the quality of the Party. A large number of scoundrels must be expelled. After liberation, how many people genuinely joined the Party for communism? Not many, but there are plenty of climbers. This situation has been created by many levels of hierarchy. There are also people who are mediocre and ineffective, with no thoughts. In the past, the Party emphasized ‘honesty,’ even requiring people to report their spouses. They talked all day about endurance, but I believe these people have no philosophical thinking. For the ineffective ones, they should be made to resign from the Party.”

(p. 352)

“In my opinion, scoundrels within the Party should be purged, even if it’s only 1%. That’s bad for the Party. Many cases have been exposed in the newspapers. For example, our school’s academic dean Li Xin received an 800 yuan subsidy, and his wife spent it all in two trips to the department store. I think such people are worse than the Kuomintang. I believe that people who have not fulfilled their roles as Party members should be mobilized to leave.

For future Party or League admissions, I suggest that 70% of the unit’s members must approve, not just the Party itself. Cartoons also illustrate this. Some people have encouraged me to get close to leadership, and there’s even a reporting system. Any small matter must be reported, even letters from spouses must be reported to the leadership. This way, what’s the point of Party membership? If a Party member cannot fulfill their role, the masses should vote them out.”

“In my opinion, the scoundrels within the Party should be purged, even if it’s only 1%, it’s still bad for the Party. The newspapers have exposed many cases. For instance, our school’s Dean of Academic Affairs, Li Xin, received an 800-yuan subsidy, and his wife spent it all in two trips to the department store. I think such people are worse than the Kuomintang. I believe these people should be purged from the Party.

There are also some people who, like the masses, have not fulfilled their roles as Party members, such as those with rigid thinking, and they should be mobilized to resign from the Party. I suggest that in the future, when admitting new members to the Party or the Youth League, not only should the Party itself approve, but 70% of the members from the respective unit should also approve, as illustrated in cartoons. Some people have encouraged me to get close to leadership, and there’s even a reporting system. Any minor matter must be reported, even a letter from one’s spouse must be reported to the leadership. Under such circumstances, what’s the point of joining the Party?

If a Party member fails to fulfill their role, and 70% of the masses vote against them, they should be dismissed as a Party member. Moreover, Party and League members should not enjoy material privileges. Many people join the Party or the League due to pressure from the surrounding environment, being pushed into it. Someone once urged me, ‘If you don’t join the League, what will you do later?’ Issues such as legal work and marriage were also solved by membership. There is also a privilege for Party and League members to be promoted and to welcome foreign guests. Once, I was deeply hurt when I wasn’t allowed to welcome Chairman Mao because I wasn’t a Party or League member. Also, some reports are only shared with Party and League members, and certain documents, like ‘Reference News,’ are only accessible to them. To hear and see these things, one is compelled to climb the ranks.

To consolidate the Party and ensure its purity, Party members should not enjoy any special privileges. The only privilege should be the trust of the Party and the people. Those who love fame and fortune must not be allowed to infiltrate the Party. The Party’s doors should be open to those who truly want to serve the people. In this way, with fewer members resigning or being expelled, the Party and League numbers may decrease, but the Party’s real role will be fulfilled, and such people can lead our country.”

“The remedy proposed for Party rectification is laughable. I classify Party members into three categories: one group consists of degenerates, whom I call scoundrels, another group is ineffective, and the last group consists of true Bolsheviks. The Party must purify its ranks. Not purging the scoundrels within the Party is harmful. I have never said that everyone is bad, but I specifically pointed out that a lot of those who joined the Party after liberation are problematic. However, some people immediately conclude that I am saying all post-liberation Party members are bad, which distorts my meaning.”(Student of the Law Department, Renmin University of China, Lin Xiling)

“Are there obstacles to the rectification campaign in the Journalism Department? Yes! Where are the obstacles? In the cerebral cortex of the Communist Party members. What’s the proof? Yesterday, Class Two held an emergency Party members’ meeting. Why was it urgent? I heard that students from Peking University were planning an event, and the Communist Party members had to quickly come up with countermeasures. Many ideas were proposed, such as inviting guests for tea, but the main one was this: ‘If they say something absurd or reactionary, we will kick them out.’

(p.353)

The meeting ended in a highly emotional atmosphere, but in the end, the Peking University students didn’t come, and all the brewing excitement fizzled out. I felt ashamed of these comrades. Peking University is only about ten or twenty miles from Renmin University, and their students are very concerned about our rectification campaign. But what about the Communist Party members in Class Two? They regarded the Peking University students as heretics and planned to expel them. What is the problem here? It’s a refusal to listen to different opinions, treating rectification with sectarian sentiment. Are Communist Party members supposed to become stumbling blocks in the rectification campaign?” (Student of the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China, Yu Yaolin)

“Many cadres, after moving into the cities, began to indulge in luxury, live a corrupt lifestyle, and became rigid in their thinking, unable to accomplish any meaningful work. The treatment for senior cadres is too high and too privileged. How many of these senior cadres are there at the ministerial level and above? These old guys (referring to senior cadres) can keep their positions, but they should lose their titles as Communist Party members.” (Student of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Chang Xuewen)

“Now, there are some Party members who, seeing the masses start to become active and speak out, don’t genuinely welcome it. They don’t encourage everyone to express their opinions more freely, but instead, they put on the face of a ‘defender of Marxism.’ As soon as they hear something that doesn’t sound like Marxism, they immediately raise their big axe and start chopping. In their view, ever since the rectification campaign began, poison has spread everywhere, and Marxism is on the verge of death. If they don’t step in to chop down the weeds and slaughter them, the earth will change color, and socialism will collapse.

These people can be called ‘guardians of orthodoxy.’ The ‘guardians of orthodoxy’ have extremely sensitive nerves. When they hear Lin Xiyang say that the current political system isn’t democratic enough, their brains start working immediately: ‘The current political system is bad? Doesn’t that mean he wants to go back to capitalism?’ ‘Oh no! This person might have a political problem.’ I must investigate how such a talented person could have gone down this path. The Journalism Department posted an announcement, declaring that they were going to discuss the Party’s crisis. When the ‘guardians of orthodoxy’ saw it, they were scared stiff: ‘What? The Party has a crisis? Isn’t that saying the Party is going to collapse?’ At that moment, they believed the Party’s survival depended on them. So, before the meeting even began, they acted first. They surrounded the announcement with big-character posters and stamped it with a curse: ‘This is slander; the Party has no crisis!’ The ‘guardians of orthodoxy’ won, the Party was saved, and the lecture was suddenly postponed indefinitely.

(p. 354)

Such ‘guardians of orthodoxy’ can be found everywhere, and their faces are more or less the same, requiring no introduction. But they are not all the same; their origins are varied. I know there is a kind of ‘guardian of orthodoxy’ who is indeed loyal to the Party. Unfortunately, they are too loyal—so much so that they don’t trust the Party. They think the Party cannot withstand storms. They believe that Marxism cannot stand the test of challenges. They think that if they see a few poisonous weeds and don’t immediately root them out, the fall of the Party and the country is inevitable. What they don’t realize is that if the Communist Party were that kind of party, and Marxism that kind of ideology, then even their heroic defense would be useless. Their ‘heroic’ deeds today, apart from obstructing the rectification campaign, serve no other purpose.

I also know that criticizing the ‘guardians of orthodoxy’ too harshly would be unfair. You have to understand that their brains are quite modern, almost like electronic calculators. They think according to certain modern formulas. Lin Xiyang said that bureaucratism is caused by the political system, and Tito said that Stalin’s mistakes were caused by the socialist system. Therefore, they conclude that Lin Xiyang and Tito both deny the socialist system.

I know there is another type of ‘guardian of orthodoxy’ with firm principles. Everything they do is strictly according to the directives of their superiors. When their superiors don’t have time to issue new instructions, they rely on old methods. For example, the way they fight comrades is the same as how they fight enemies. They are confident in their actions because they are not motivated by personal interest. They are beyond reproach.

I know, I know, I know too many ‘guardians of orthodoxy.’ But despite their various forms, I know that in the rectification campaign, they serve only one purpose: to frighten the masses, to cover up the Party’s flaws, and to allow certain corrupt elements within the Party to continue to grow, harming the Party and the people.” (Student of the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China, Yu Yaolin)

(p. 355)

The Issue of Sectarianism and Party Member Status: Some Party members are highly interested in their positions, especially since sectarianism has created special privileges for the Party. The enthusiasm of some cadres is very high—capable reporters are transferred to editorial positions, while Party members who don’t understand journalism are brought in as reporters. Party members enjoy privileges everywhere. Meanwhile, capable non-Party cadres can’t fully utilize their abilities. Party members have authority but lack true capability, which is very unreasonable. The hierarchical system should be completely abolished, and remuneration should be based on one’s job duties. Those without competence should be dismissed. One shouldn’t rely solely on political capital to get by. People’s lives are unique, and not everything should be coated in political coloring, as it disrupts normal human relations.

Since liberation, apart from one’s spouse, there are no close friends; politics has replaced everything. Sectarianism is also evident in marriage issues. If a Party member marries a League member, it’s somewhat acceptable, but if there are issues with class background or history, they face criticism. The Party’s marriage requirements are stricter than those of the Catholic Church, which prohibits its followers from marrying non-believers, but at least they can be forgiven. Party members can’t marry the masses, and the masses can’t marry Party members. Party members even need organizational approval to marry, which is another expression of sectarian sentiment. The People’s Daily once published an editorial claiming that Party organizations don’t dictate who Party members can marry—this is deceptive because in the past, the Party made announcements about who members could marry.

I am a Party member, a worker by background, and my family has not been persecuted. I hold no bias against the Party. I stayed up until midnight writing this speech, feeling heartache as I reflected on these flaws within the Party. My points may be sharp, but they all come from a place of love for the Party.”

The Decay of Bureaucratic Habits: Many Party members, once they take office, develop bureaucratic habits. Even when a district secretary visits the countryside, they only listen to reports at the township government and don’t go out among the farmers. The Party spirit has diminished, while the bureaucratic spirit has grown. Even when listening to Party reports, there are different levels of access. For example, students don’t need such restrictions, but this creates a rotten sense of hierarchy within the Party. When responsible cadres make mistakes, they are protected, but when ordinary Party members make mistakes, it’s treated differently. The Party provides two different types of treatment. For instance, the handling of Ai Qing’s case was too lenient—it wasn’t fair. If it were an ordinary Party member, they would have been expelled long ago. During recruitment, the Propaganda Department even admitted unqualified candidates. The government’s laws don’t seem to apply to the Party—this is no different from the Kuomintang’s practice of bribing examiners.” (Student of the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China, Yang Jiao)

(p. 356)

“Right now, in the villages, people still speak positively of Chairman Mao, but when it comes to the Communist Party, they aren’t as enthusiastic, because many Party members are too corrupt. If not for their love for Chairman Mao, who knows what trouble would have arisen?”
(Student of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Shan Silang)

“The issue of waste in the cities is very severe. Why hasn’t there been a campaign against waste? The Communist Party is the ruling party and believes it can enjoy certain privileges. Most officials at the 17th rank and above are Party members who lead institutions. They purchase expensive office furniture like sofas. I find this unacceptable—why not save the money spent on sofas and buy tractors for the farmers? I didn’t dare say this before, for fear that others would accuse me of having a rich peasant’s stance.”
“… The longer someone has been a Party member, the less they care about the impact on the masses. There’s a growing sense of complacency and mediocrity. Criticism and self-criticism are disconnected, as Party members feel the masses have no right to criticize them.”
(Student of the Archives Department, Renmin University of China, Yang Weixin)

“Party members don’t have freedom of speech. In this rectification campaign, Party members dare not voice their opinions about the Party. Many Party members have become mere followers, low-level clerks without any creativity or initiative in their work. Many Party members act opportunistically and have no personal opinions, sticking to strict discipline. Once a Party member climbs the ranks, their value multiplies tenfold, and they see themselves as reformers… except for Li Si in our class, none of them behave like Party members. How can we save the Party from bureaucratization? Right now, the workers, peasants, and soldiers all govern through the Party, which makes it a reflection of the ruling class. We are a new society with a Party that…

The Party’s leadership is necessary, but its position risks alienating it from the masses and causing bureaucratization. People’s views change based on their position. The times are constantly moving forward, and people always fall behind—Party members are no exception. In the past, natural elimination occurred, but that doesn’t happen anymore…

He also proposed a so-called ‘suggestion’ to the Party: a ‘periodic Party membership renewal system.’ He suggested that Party members should resign from the Party every five or ten years, after which they can reapply for membership, subject to the approval of the masses. This is because, as the times progress, people may not keep up, and Party members are no exception. In the past, during difficult conditions, natural elimination could take place, but not anymore. Some people have joined the Party without contributing, and their long-term presence in the Party hinders its progressiveness. This approach would allow Party members to act without having to look at the faces of their superiors.”
(Student of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Bao Zishen)

(p. 357)

“…Those who exploit others are the most immoral people—if morality even exists, morality is always a set of norms that bind people. True morality is love for humanity, loyalty to love. The most immoral people are those who are hypocrites, ‘patriots,’ ‘Communist Party members,’ and ‘Youth League cadres’—they are the ones who least understand morality!”

“The true nature of Communist Party members is that they join the Party with the most despicable and selfish motives—to oppress others, to become secret police, to hold power, to deceive the people, to sell their conscience and friendship. These people are something between an organism and a microorganism—they aren’t human! Do they really serve the people? No, they serve only themselves. Do they truly accept criticism? No, it’s all for show! They are selfish, petty, despicable, foolish, and deceitful. How do I deal with them? I don’t play their two-faced games; they are vile, and I openly despise them. I curse these selfish scoundrels who insult the most noble concept: love for the people!” (Student of the Philosophy Department, Renmin University of China, Li De)

“Regarding the Party: in abstract terms, the Party is the vanguard of the proletariat, always full of fighting spirit, representing the call of the times. But the Party is made up of specific Party members. Some Party members are open-minded and always look forward, while others are rigid in their thinking and only listen to the instructions from above. Then there is another group, especially those who joined after liberation, who entered the Party just to become officials. This kind of Party is not like the abstract idea of the Party. During Stalin’s era, the Soviet Communist Party could no longer be called the vanguard of the proletariat, nor did it represent the call of the times. A portion of their Party members joined just to become officials, and another portion became ideologically rigid. This type of person makes up a significant proportion.

During the earlier phase of exposing the ‘Three Antis’ campaign, many Party members were scared because they were afraid they might lose their positions. Other Party members were stuck in the past, unable to look forward, and couldn’t see the development of the international communist movement. They only saw the system of the Soviet Union and Eastern European people’s democracies and believed that opposing this system was anti-socialist and counter-revolutionary. However, a truly dialectical materialist Party should always look forward. Our Party’s program, general line, and policies reflect the interests of the people, but their implementation often doesn’t.

(p. 358)

For example, in agriculture, the promotion of new tools and other measures has encountered many issues. These problems arise from top-down implementation, and mistakes are made, partly because some people just want to become officials and partly because they don’t understand the subject. All those who push things forward are called activists. While there are good activists, many are bad—they are opportunists.

For instance, Fei Lao, whom I used to see in Tianjin Daily spouting flattery, is now publishing right-wing comments. This group of people is the Party’s most dangerous enemy. The Party must be able to distinguish between the good and the bad, and we must be cautious of those who only sing praises. We must truly rely on those who are loyal to the cause of communism. If the Party continues to rely on the first group of people, it cannot truly reflect the voice of the masses.” (Student of the Economics Department, Renmin University of China, Zhang Zujiao)

“The current problem within the Party is that veteran Party members believe it is only natural to enjoy the benefits they fought for, which has become a pervasive attitude. Meanwhile, new Party members join with impure motives, and they fail to withstand difficult circumstances, yet they still receive top marks during evaluations. Party members overemphasize their role as reformers.” (Student of the Law Department, Renmin University of China, Chen Qiumin)

“Party members join the Party purely for personal gain. They are no different from ordinary people. Many Party members are bureaucratic, self-righteous, and greedy for pleasure. The Communist Party is fickle; they ask for opinions but then turn around and suppress people, using political tricks.” (Student of the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China, Zhu Weimin)

“From a conceptual perspective, Party members are supposed to be great, but the things they do are despicable. Old men get divorced and marry their mistresses.” (Student of the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Han Gui)

(p. 359)

“(1) Some Party members exploit the Party’s prestige to act like lords over the people, acting arrogantly, breaking laws, and violating regulations, such as infringing on human rights and leading corrupt lifestyles.
(2) Opposing ‘parasites’—parasites are those who do not work but still receive more than what they contribute. The children and wives of senior cadres are typical examples of parasites, and they are a major problem.

We should oppose privilege. Privilege means enjoying benefits that ordinary people cannot access. For example, unreasonable subsidies and restrictions on who can welcome foreign guests—many people are excluded from participating. The cadres who create these systems are responsible for ensuring privileges are not abused.

Suggestion: How should the Party Central Committee handle leadership issues? Before liberation, Party members couldn’t enjoy special privileges, so why should this be any different now? The Party’s leadership should be correct, not about issuing orders. The appearance of these issues today is worth deep reflection. In the future, we must implement the principle that Party members suffer hardships first. They should not receive excessive material rewards, and compensation should be based on the labor they perform. This way, those who seek promotion and wealth will not join the Party.”
(Student of the Law Department, Renmin University of China, Zhang Kangyi)

• “Party members have become political symbols.”
• “Veteran Party members are incompetent, their ranks and wages are high, but they are worthless; young Party members are submissive and timid. Even though they are passionate, they lack real skills and knowledge.
• Inside and outside the Party, there are two types of people: activists and backward masses. The Party looks down on the masses. Inside the Party, there are two types of people: those in power and those in opposition. Even though I am a Party member, my position in the Party is no different from yours (meaning I am part of the opposition). This perspective is also reflected in attitudes toward Party organization and action.
• There are rulers and the ruled within the Party.
• The Party does not allow personal friendships. If someone gets too close to others, they are seen as forming cliques. The Party should allow members to develop freely according to their interests and make friends freely.
• If people say that Communist Party members are secret police, I would say that League members are also secret police.”
• (Student of the Marxism-Leninism Research Class, Renmin University of China, Du Shuyun)

“Communist Party members during movements turn a blind eye and a deaf ear, remaining bystanders. Abandoning the cause at critical moments is shameful behavior.”
(Graduate student in the Law Department, Renmin University of China, Zhou Yucai)

• “The newly admitted Party members at our school are all obedient and unprincipled in defending Party leadership. They blindly follow orders and are submissive because they fear discipline and dare not express their own views. As a result, this has led to a sectarian group that protects a small number of leaders.”
• “Party members should not enjoy special privileges; they should compete freely with the masses. Political capital is not a cure-all. The reason some dare to order the masses around is because they have the Party protecting them.”
• (Geography teacher at the Worker-Peasant Accelerated School, Renmin University of China, Liang Qipu)

(p. 360)

“Everyone acknowledges the greatness and correctness of the Party, but after the Party entered the cities, some people began creating conditions to join, using ‘political opportunism’ to pave their way—flattering, climbing, and scheming their way into the Party. Some Party leaders were fooled by these people because they appeared to support the Party and defend it. As a result, they were admitted. Once they joined, they distanced themselves from the masses and acted arrogantly, which lowered the Party’s prestige among the people.”
(Student of the Law Department, Renmin University of China, Wei Qi)

• “Party cadres have overestimated production quotas, and their bureaucratic decisions on farmers’ quotas have even led to deaths. Yet when it comes to Party cadres, they are simply given praise and the matter is dismissed. The Party’s headquarters operates like a big bureaucracy, and the branches like smaller bureaucracies, only reaching out when there’s a problem. Bureaucratic practices, combined with doctrinal methods of working, have harmed comrades, leaving them with nowhere to voice their grievances.
• Chairman Mao called on Communist Party members to ‘suffer first and enjoy later’—but is this slogan a thing of the past, or is it still relevant today? If it’s supposed to be real, then why are Party members materially better off than the people, and since the Party is in power, surely no Party member is oppressed by anyone? So, what exactly are they suffering compared to the people? Isn’t this just an empty honorary title for Party members? I believe that for this slogan to be meaningful, we must address it in the material realm.”
• “There should be no special treatment for Party members—Party members shouldn’t be able to rely on their title to make a living.”
• “Many of our Party members simply replace their own thinking with the Party’s resolutions (this includes the words and actions of leaders at all levels). Their task is limited to explaining and repeating these words and actions, completely lacking their own subjectivity and creativity. Over time, this repetition has become their habitual way of thinking, making it difficult to correct—this is truly sad.”
• “Many Party members don’t operate based on legal principles but rather act according to subjective decisions. They often view actions that harm socialism as necessary—this is their tragedy.”
• “Truly good cadres in the Party are rare.” (Student of the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Pu Zhongwen)

(p. 361)

• “The privileges of Party members have undermined solidarity among the people and hindered the development of science. This privilege is a driving force for factions within the Party. As a result, people who don’t have any special skills, who laze about all day with no effort, are using Party membership to secure high positions and fat salaries—these opportunists are increasing day by day.” (Student of the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Xue Xinzhuo)
• “There are signs of degeneration in the Party. The children of senior cadres going to exclusive schools and using private cars is essentially legalized theft of state property. Party members enjoy privileges such as these elite schools, which produce a generation of privileged heirs… After joining the Party, they can be promoted, they can participate in welcoming foreign dignitaries, and they are trusted. This has led some young people to treat Party membership as a stepping stone for career advancement.” (Student of the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Shu Hongtao)
• “There are some comrades (Party members) who are hypocrites. They speak eloquently, giving lessons to others, but when it comes to their own actions, they don’t do well. They actively respond to directives from above, but inside they have reservations. Isn’t this hypocrisy? Some people are indifferent to the rectification movement, especially those who frequently lecture others. This time, they aren’t playing the active role they used to. Perhaps they think this movement is different from previous ones because it’s about rectification, and they fear that raising criticism of the Party will harm its prestige. When they give feedback, it’s mild and vague, not forceful at all.” (Student of the Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China, Tang Ruorong)
• “Party-people relations are unequal and lack freedom. Party members have a mentality of privilege, and they join the Party to climb the social ladder. When Party members interact with non-members, they only talk about ideology, check their history, and solve problems without treating them as equals. This is the root of sectarianism. Why should it be like this? People can still progress without the help of Party members. I believe that since liberation, people’s relationships have become cold and inhumane—it’s a cold, heartless environment. If I were to become a Party member, I would want to be a Bolshevik-style member. Nowadays, many people join the Party for promotion and wealth, so I don’t want to join. The old cadres are incompetent and useless, unable to fulfill their roles. Some Party members claim that the Communist Party won the country, which is an extremely shameless statement. The country was won by the people. The idea that ‘Communist Party members are made from special material’ is the ideological root of sectarianism.” (Student of the Marxism-Leninism Research Class, Renmin University of China, Han Yunde)

(p. 362)

“Most of the Party members who joined after liberation are mediocre and joined for personal benefit. Even though they claim to be revolutionaries, many Party members lack creativity. When the Party tells them to fight the right, they fight the right; when the Party tells them to fight the left, they fight the left. Some Party members have become rigid in their thinking, and their souls have died. Some old cadres haven’t made any major mistakes, but they still can’t be expelled. The Party is growing larger, but instead of developing, it is merely consolidating its power.” (Student of the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China, Yu Guoliang)

• “Lin Xiling’s proposal for absorbing and dismissing Party members based on percentages was aimed at making Party members more effective among the masses. The intention was good, but of course, the method was wrong—this is a logical error.”
• “Many Party members today do not possess a communist worldview. Many are far from the standard. Party members can be divided into two categories: first, those who joined before liberation, who have now degenerated; and second, those who joined after liberation with poor motives. The Party has changed; it has become the ruling party and has distanced itself from the masses.”
• “The Party’s structure should not be separate; it should be merged with administrative functions, or at least the relationship should be adjusted.”
• (Student of the Archives Department, Renmin University of China, Yin Jiuru)

“The treatment of Party cadres compared to regular students is too different, showing that Party members have a sense of privilege. The notion that ‘Party members are made from special material’ is wrong or even reactionary. This error and reactionary thinking create a sense of special entitlement among Party members. The corrupt and degenerate behavior of some Party members stems from this theory.”
(Student of the Archives Department, Renmin University of China, Jiang Yucheng)

“Countless ambitious individuals and office-seekers are desperately pounding on the Party’s door, treating ideological reform as a means for ‘promotion and wealth.’ Various overt and covert systems grant Party members privileges: joining the Party leads to faster promotions, more trust from leadership, and greater convenience in everything. This creates an unspoken ‘material benefit principle’ in Party recruitment… Today, the Party has been tightly bound by a group of fake Marxists, like a swarm of flies.”
(Student of the Finance Department, Renmin University of China, Deng Xianfu)

(p. 363)

“There are no good Party members anymore. From Sichuan to Harbin to Renmin University, I haven’t seen a single good Party member. Whether joining the Party is worth it or not is something to think about.”

• “After liberation, the quality of Party members has been declining, primarily because their motivations for joining the Party were never properly checked.” (Student of the Agricultural Economics Department, Renmin University of China, Assistant Instructor Lu Chuanzhong)

• “It’s reasonable to say that He An’s reduced Party spirit makes sense. In the past, the Party always asked people to believe in it, but first, the Party should believe in the people. Only then will people believe in the Party.”
  (Student of the Agricultural Economics Department, Renmin University of China, Assistant Instructor Lu Chuanzhong)
• “The Party has eight standards for members, but very few meet all of them. Lin Xiyang said 90%, but I’d say 99% don’t fully meet the standards. This situation is determined by the current state of our country. We have too few genuine industrial workers, and Party discipline is too lax. Some veteran cadres who are arrogant and boastful should be expelled from the Party.
• After liberation, the criteria for admitting new members became too lenient, and many joined with personal goals in mind. In my class, the Party members don’t really play an active role, and their standards aren’t very high. Many of them are doctrinaire, only repeating empty slogans. In this rectification movement, only two Party members in my class passed. Those who are ineffective and lack fighting spirit should be purged. I’ve always believed I should have been accepted into the Party, but during the anti-rightist campaign, I didn’t participate actively or hit anyone, so I wasn’t able to join.”
  (Student of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Wang Ligang)

“Many Party members are bound by dogma, afraid to boldly express their own views for fear of making mistakes.”
(Researcher in the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Liu Yunzi)

• “Party members have no independent thought. They just do what they are told, always submissive.”
• “Party members have limitations; they must listen to the organization and can’t speak freely. They don’t say what’s really on their minds and lack integrity.” (Student of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Zhu Gonghao)

“The Communist Party is supposed to be the vanguard of the working class… but logically, it shouldn’t stand above the working class and act arrogantly. The slogan ‘suffer first, enjoy later’ must be implemented. However, in reality, our Party members, League members, and senior cadres enjoy too many political privileges and residual special rights. In the past, the masses’ voices were suppressed. Out of respect for the sacrifices of revolutionary martyrs, they tolerated those who enjoyed privileges above others.”
(Student of the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Hong Weizheng)

(p. 364)

• “District and township cadres act shamelessly, like local tyrants, doing whatever they please. The Party’s economic and political status has changed, and so has its mindset. In the past, cadres would sleep and eat with the masses, and of course, the masses were satisfied. Now, they stand aloof, even ignoring the people who once saved their lives when they come looking for help. The mindset of Party members has changed and no longer aligns with the title ‘Party member,’ resembling a king entering the capital and living like aristocrats and noblewomen…”
• “Just because someone is a Party member, regardless of their actual qualifications, they are promoted. This situation is even more severe in rural areas, where the idea of Party members’ privileges is very strong.”
• “The Party is not a sacred entity, but Party members do not understand it this way. Some people join the Party for personal reasons. Before joining, they would talk about everything, but after joining, they become so important, always talking as if they are correct. When a Party member speaks, you must obey, or you’ll face consequences.” (Student of the Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Han Gui)

“Some Party members appear to serve the Party, the country, and communism, but in reality, most of them just want to be promoted and gain wealth. Once they join the Party, they are trusted and promoted. Party members join to control others, to be ‘leaders.'”
(Student of the Statistics Department, Renmin University of China, Fang Yanhuo)

“Party-building work and the Communist Youth League should require 70% approval from the masses [for candidate members]. Although the percentage doesn’t necessarily have to follow Lin Xiling’s proposal exactly, the spirit behind it is good… it would prevent Party members from enjoying special privileges. The Party Central Committee should analyze: after liberation, which part of the population—Party members or non-Party members—was promoted the fastest? Could this be the reason why people chase fame and positions? All privileges for Party members should be abolished. The issue of Party privileges could be discussed for days.”
(Student of the History Department, Renmin University of China, Zhu Guorong)

(p. 365)

To those so-called Party members’

“Lords, young masters, madams, and ladies:
The era where you enjoyed privileges and treated the Party as your exclusive club has passed. If you joined the Party for personal ambitions or treated the honorable title of Party member as political capital for selfish purposes, that time is gone forever. It will be crushed by the mighty hand of the people.”
(Student from Renmin University, Atomic Cannon Division, Big Character Poster)

“That some hicks rely on past glories and ride on the people’s backs should not be allowed. History moves forward, and the revolution doesn’t end just because we’ve seized power. Becoming a minister or a director isn’t the end point. If old cadres truly have Party spirit, let me tell you, history moves forward. Otherwise, you will be left behind. If parents don’t understand this, their children may even revolt against them in the future. Past glories won’t last forever; if you don’t improve, you will be swept away. Premier Zhou’s speech at the Hangzhou airport welcoming Comrade Vukmanović-Tempo is quite interesting. You’ve probably all read it. It talks about wiping out bureaucracy—if we don’t do that, the people will revolt against us. This is very true.

(p. 366)

The most important thing for a leader is vision, not short-sightedness. But many old cadres lack knowledge, and without knowledge, it’s hard to have a long-term vision. We can’t blame them because, in the heat of battle, how could they have gone to university like you? But they should recognize this themselves and seek to improve. They need to learn more and stop relying on their old qualifications.

Let me give an example. One of our comrades from China Construction Eighth Engineering Division , an old Party member named Pei Xuan, behaved like a lord during the movement to purge counter-revolutionaries. How did he act? He has degenerated. In the rectification movement, he didn’t say a single word. He used to act like an emperor in his class—his words were law. When he spoke, no one else dared to speak. But now, he’s rusted away, and in this rectification movement, he didn’t say anything. Why? He’s rusted. So, classmates, this rectification campaign… I’ll say it again: people like him, if you ask them to self-criticize, can they really do it? No, it requires the masses. There’s no one else but the masses who can solve this.”
(Tsinghua student Feng Jiang)

“The individuality of Party members has overshadowed Party spirit, and personal favoritism has outweighed conscience. Many Party members harbor shady thoughts. The Party is naive, rigid, and like a spring that bends with the wind. For several years, my mind has been filled with questions—aside from causing emotional scars and disunity, the Party organization has brought us nothing. Over these four years, I’ve only felt the unchanging seasons of Kunming.”
(Student of Yunnan University, Pu Maoguang)

“Party members are just ‘wearing a badge’—their common goal is to find a partner and climb the social ladder.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, Zhang Bosun)

(p. 367)

“The Party is cold and stifling. The iron gates of the Party are tightly closed, making it hard to approach. This is the root cause of the deterioration in relations between the Party and the masses.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, Jia You’e)

“In recent years, the Party has nurtured a group of blind idol-worshippers who speak in one voice and cover up the Party’s mistakes. Party members only follow instructions from their superiors without thinking for themselves or seeking truth.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, Feng Guoda)

“Party members appear in front of the masses with an air of authority. They are skilled at criticizing others, and reforming others’ thoughts has become a daily routine.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, Yi Zhimei)

“Party members execute the Party’s policies and follow instructions. They are like wooden puppets, incapable of independent thought. The relationship between Party members and the organization is like that of a dog and its master—the dog follows wherever the master gives food, without questioning whether the master is good or bad, remaining loyal regardless.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, Yan Linsen)

“…We have 12 million Party members nationwide, but I believe less than 2 million are highly qualified. Many old Party members come from farming backgrounds and have very low education levels, and many who joined after liberation are of poor quality. With so many units across the country, it’s difficult to find even one highly qualified Party member to assign to each. We must quickly improve the quality of Party members, and when developing new organizations in the future, we must focus on recruiting truly outstanding individuals.”
(Student of Wuhan University, Cao Shaohu)

“The idea that ‘Communist Party members are made from special material’ clearly implies the opposite—that the vast majority of non-Party members are made from ordinary material. Whether someone is made from ‘special material’ is determined by their revolutionary practice, not by whether they have a Party membership card. How many countless people have dedicated themselves wholeheartedly to the socialist cause without a Party card? Are they made from ‘ordinary material’? This notion is unscientific and doesn’t reflect reality. Even if it were true, among China’s 600 million people, only about 12 million would be considered ‘special material’ while the rest are ‘ordinary.’ Would it really be such a great honor to record this fact in history?” (Student of Wuhan University, Cheng Qianfan)

(p. 368)

“The Communist Party members I’ve seen behave like lords. When you talk to a Party member, it has to be through ‘alternating current’—direct current won’t work with them.” (Student of Tianjin University, Zhang Daju)

“People who join the Party are those with a clean history, who play positive roles, but in terms of thought, they are even more backward than non-Party individuals.” (Student of Hubei Medical College, Ren Qi)

“Some Party members are completely clueless, but they act like experts and scholars.”
(Student of Hubei Medical College, Chen Da)

“In many cases within the Party, the victims had to file complaints, and the higher-ups had to investigate and handle them. Cases raised by the Party members or the masses are very few, almost none. Why is the culture of distinguishing right from wrong, pursuing truth, and standing up for justice so weak within the Party? Why do Party members in problem areas lack any sense of principle?”
He also mentioned that in his work, “there are even more cases of Party members violating laws and regulations, especially in areas where it is difficult to detect.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Lu Shaoqi)

“All the people riding in private cars are Party members. Nowadays, Communist Party members don’t endure any hardship, but they enjoy all the pleasures.” (Student of Central South Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Huang Xinqin)

“People with a straightforward character won’t join the Party.”
“There are a few good Party members, but the vast majority are bad. When he sees reports exposing the wrongdoings of certain Party members, he says to others: ‘Look, this is what the Communist Party is like.'” (Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Wang Mingxin)

(p. 369)

• “Party members don’t understand youth. They are lagging behind the times.”
• “The Party doesn’t understand me (referring to capitalist thoughts and preferences—editor’s note), which is wrong. Because the Party doesn’t understand me, it is at risk of becoming detached from the youth masses. I feel the Party doesn’t understand me… it doesn’t understand the beauty of my humanity… I feel that Party members emphasize class consciousness in everything and lack humanity… On the other hand, I also feel that Party members value morality over talent… The things that Party members know are different from what I know… Some Party members are cold and rigid, their thoughts are dry, and they lack insight in academia… After a year of significant political changes in the country, I’ve felt that many Party members have become conservative in their thinking, clinging to outdated views.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Kang Deguan)

“The country no longer needs Party members because the consciousness level of the masses has reached that of Communist Party members.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Zhang Tianhui)

“Some Communist Party cadres are arrogant about their achievements, have a privileged mindset, and exhibit traits similar to the Kuomintang—enjoying luxury and indulging in corruption. Many cadres think that as leaders, those beneath them must obey. If the subordinates voice different opinions, they are seen as complaining and are retaliated against, with the cadres blindly maintaining their own prestige. The Party leadership is arrogant about its achievements and shows great interest in various privileges. Wake up!

The Party committee will no longer cover for you (referring to the Party branch—editor’s note), and the students will no longer blindly follow you. What other ‘aces’ do you have? Do you still have some talents to show off? In my view, you lack both virtue and talent. Living off past accomplishments is no longer feasible! Your only path forward is to accept the masses’ criticism and supervision, correct your revolutionary motives, and learn some real, useful knowledge.

I despise personal hero-worship. I believe a person’s worth and moral strength are not determined by their Party membership. Experience has taught me that a person’s goodness is determined by their contribution to the people, their knowledge, their background, and their history. I see clearly that many people use their ‘Party member’ status to behave arrogantly, and I despise these people.
These people have tainted the purity of the Party, and I will never compromise with them.”
(From a letter by Zhang Wenyue to Qian Ruisheng)

“Joining the Party or participating in the revolution? It’s all personal ambition.”
When Guo Xiang countered and asked, “Do you mean that even soldiers like Luo Shengjiao and Huang Jiguang, who fought in Korea under heavy fire, were they driven by personal ambition?” Zhang Wenyue responded, “How do you know they weren’t? Maybe they fought for fame, status, and promotion after returning to China.”
(Material from Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law)

(p. 370)

“The founder of sectarianism in our institute is Wu Zhenxiang (referring to the former vice-president, Wu Zhenxiang—editor’s note).” Yang went on to say, “The academic dean, Liu Ang, former Party committee secretary, Wang Run, and logistics director, Xiu Hengsheng, are all typical representatives of this mindset. Their words and actions almost always reflect this thinking.”
(Material from Yang Hequan, Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law)

“Party members wear gold medals, League members wear silver medals, and the masses wear iron medals, which easily rust.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Lin Gongming)

• “There are two roads to joining the Party: one is through flattery, the other is through active struggle. When the Party branch solicits opinions from League members about potential Party members, they use a pretense of democracy. The Party branch is numb and unfeeling. The development of Party organizations is based on the subjective judgments of branch committee members, who act independently. Personal worship of branch committee members has replaced the Party’s Eight Standards.
• The Party branch committee is despicable and shameless, consistently deceiving superiors while oppressing subordinates. The words of the branch committee members lack humanity—they’re like actors playing clowns in a farce.”
• “The grassroots committee members act lawlessly, and the branch committee lords over everything without fear of consequences.” (Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Wu Guizhi)

“When Party members speak, aside from Party spirit, they have nothing else to offer. Party members are like sticks—not Party sticks, but ‘ice sticks.’ How can such coldness inspire enthusiasm in others?”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Yin Xiaosong)

“As I understand it, the term ‘Party stick’ refers to those who join the Party out of personal ambition, don the Party member label, deceive others, and climb the ranks. They bully their way to power, not based on talent but solely on the title of Party member, and then enjoy high positions and privileges, living off the Party.”
“Being a Party member doesn’t truly reflect a person’s level of awareness. Party membership does not equal talent, and it doesn’t fully align with morality either.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Zhao Ming)

(p. 371)

“Comrade Ren Yongtai’s speech, representing the Party branch at the meeting, was cloaked in legality but aimed at achieving despicable personal goals. It was full of hostility, barbarity, cruelty, and repressive control, as if we were mortal enemies.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Wu Guizhi)

“The Party branch’s development of Party members is based on class status. The new members they recruit mostly come from worker-peasant accelerated schools. When someone writes a Party membership application, they are told, ‘You want to join the Party? Look at you—why don’t you join another party instead?'”
(Material from Kuang Shaoyi, Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law)

“The Party branch’s recruitment is driven by factionalism. They think the people they recruit are ‘honest,’ but in reality, they are just sycophants… The current rule is that if you want to join the Party or the League, you first have to flatter your way in.”
“The Party branch develops its organization by basing its selections on how close you are to the committee. They admire flattery and make judgments based on impressions. Progress is not based on objective standards.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Zhang Jinghua)

“The Party organization shields Party members but is very harsh on the masses, as if family scandals cannot be aired in public. When Party members steal things, nothing happens to them.”
“The Party branch doesn’t trust me at all.”
“The sharper the criticism, the better—don’t hold back. In the rectification campaign, the masses are the most active, followed by League members, while Party members lag far behind.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Yao Ming)

“It’s true that they (referring to one class of Party members every two years—editor’s note) don’t take the Party committee or Party discipline seriously. The facts show that the Party committee won’t punish them—the ones being punished are the non-Party members.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Zhang Wenyue)

“The serious problem within our Party is sectarianism, which manifests in three ways: between Party members and non-Party members; within the Party between factions, such as those from the revolutionary university and non-revolutionary university factions, or local factions; and in the form of localism within various units, which is another manifestation of sectarianism.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Tao Heqian)

(p. 372)

“From the Party Committee to the Party branch, they see us all as a dark, undistinguishable mass. Only those who are submissive, know how to read facial expressions, and do not think for themselves are called principled and good at understanding leadership’s intentions. Because leadership particularly values these people, it is they who join the Party, and they who get promoted… Only when there’s a crackdown, they are nowhere to be found.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Yang Hezhen)

“The internal affairs of the Party are handled through sectarianism. When non-Party members agree with Party members’ opinions, that’s also sectarianism. Non-Party members don’t pursue truth; they just follow behind the Party, and when Party members report to the organization, it’s just to appear progressive and to attack the masses.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Luo Dianrong)

“Some people are very good at going with the flow, reading people’s expressions, and figuring out what Party leaders or members want. Even if the opinions are different from their own, they don’t think about it and just follow along, playing the role of a little follower, mimicking others’ words, becoming a yes-man.”
“Joining the Party is meaningless, there’s no need to join. Taking the Party path has no value; one should rely on true skills and knowledge to get by. I certainly won’t flatter anyone just to join the Party.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Chen Shouming)

“Active members are flatterers and bootlickers. Active members can be divided into three categories: the submissive; the naïve and rigid in their work; and those who act based on how they gauge the leadership’s mood.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Lin Gongming)

“Party members who come from the Revolutionary University have become a core at our school. Party members from regular universities, like Yu Shutong, are sidelined, and the masses are ignored even more. The Municipal Party Committee is determined to break up the Revolutionary University core during the rectification campaign.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Qian Ruisheng)

(p. 373)

“When the Party discovers a problem with the masses, they don’t help. They record it in their diary, collect the information, and use it against people later, or put it in their file, holding it against them for life. Party members don’t follow the mass line; they don’t even stick to doctrine anymore, becoming completely alienated from the masses.”
(Student of Beijing Steel Institute, Zhang Zhenxiang)

“… University life is a life of softness, and the relationship between the Party organizations and the masses is like that between masters and slaves. The Communist Party oppresses the youth, it strangles people. Party members today have become an obstacle to social progress. They walk around with Party membership cards in their pockets, acting like they are the rulers… When I see Party cadres, it’s as if I’m seeing an enemy.”
(Student of Beijing Steel Institute, Wen Xingbo)

“(1) The statement that ‘Communist Party members are made from special material’ has a very reactionary element… It does not conform to reality or logic.
Currently, a small portion of contradictions naturally exist, but the Party creates a large portion of them through campaigns, sectarianism. It’s mainly the Party that should eliminate these divisions and resolve the contradictions between youth.
I support university governance by professors and oppose Party leadership in universities. Before liberation, Tsinghua University was governed by professors, and it was run very well. Today, under Party leadership, the school has been run into the ground.”
(Student of Beijing Steel Institute, Xu Diru)

“… In the future, if something happens, don’t let Party members know first. Once the Party members know, they report it to the Party Central Committee, and they collude with each other, preventing us from achieving our goals.
The Political Research Group is just a way for Party members to earn a living.
Now, relationships between people are all hypocritical on the surface.”
(Student of Beijing Steel Institute, Zhu Lun)

(p. 374)

“The Communist Party has installed a ‘Party member’ in every position. Farmers fear the Communist Party like they fear tigers because if they make a mistake, they will be sent to labor reform camps. Farmers refer to Party members as spies, and to League members as ‘soup runners.’ In our country, Party members can easily find jobs, and they can protect each other. While the Constitution may claim equality, in reality, it does not exist. Non-Party members cannot find work. When Party members are assigned jobs, they can go to the student office; the rest of the students just have to accept whatever is given to them. Party members have three main motivations for joining:

1. To become officials,
2. To find jobs easily, and
3. To make money.

Party members are only active when it comes to attending meetings, studying, and welcoming foreign guests.”
(A student from Beijing Aeronautics Institute)

“Party members… are disqualified conspirators—wolves, pigs, crows, vermin, and scum! Party members have privileges… they are sycophants, boasting and flattering, repeating the words of others like parrots.”
(A student from Beijing Aeronautics Institute)

“Party members have privileges and always arrange things for themselves first, leaving everyone else behind. Village cadres and Party members are mostly bad people—arrogant, looking down on the masses, and only enforcing state policies without considering farmers, especially young Party members. I used to want to join the Youth League, but I would never join a sectarian organization. At the Aeronautics Institute, there are too many Party members; any activity is organized by the Party members (even things like motorbike clubs).”
(A student from Beijing Aeronautics Institute)

“Party members are just yes-men. I can’t join the Party because the Party looks down on people like me. If I had meekly submitted, maybe I would have joined the Party by now. I don’t think I’m any worse than a Party member. What you are doing is pure sectarianism.”
(A student from Beijing Aeronautics Institute)

“Some Party members treat non-Party masses with coldness and cruelty; once they join the Party, they no longer recognize their friends and family.”
(Student of Sun Yat-sen University, Zeng Jijin)

(p. 375)

“There are some people in the Communist Party who love to hear praise, and this trend is very prominent. Some people love to speak at meetings, often saying, ‘I deeply resonate with the principal’s report,’ but their work is not necessarily good, yet they are highly valued. On the other hand, those who raise dissenting opinions are labeled, especially by Party members. Party members are flatterers of leadership, but this is not the Party members’ fault—it’s because the leadership likes flattery. Party members always start by assuming the leadership is right and then work to understand and implement their ideas, saying this is the ‘organization’s spirit.’ But I think the priority should be the people’s interests, not organizational interests. We should not sacrifice the people’s interests in the name of organizational discipline.”
(Student of Beijing Petroleum Institute, Shi Zhenhua)

“When we were doing underground work at school in the past, we would connect with progressive people and try to win over the neutral ones. But now, Party members are used to lead, and the performance of Party members is judged by how many reports they submit. The more reports, the better the Party member. Party members have become undercover policemen monitoring the masses. This can’t be blamed on the Party members, as the Party organization assigns them the task of gathering intelligence, so the responsibility lies with the organization—it’s a task given by the organization.”
(Industrial Economics Department Lecturer, Renmin University of China, Ge Peiqi)

“The quality of the Party is not high; Party members blindly believe in Marxism-Leninism, and those who join the Party have gone mad. Communist Party members don’t recognize family ties; they understand nothing, as if they’ve been bewitched. If the Party continues down this path, it will disappear among the masses.”
(Physical Education Research Office Lecturer, Renmin University of China, Fan Zhengtao)

“Factionalism is severe at Renmin University, and all the students are Party or League members.”
“Party members act like secret police.”
(Industrial Economics Department Lecturer, Renmin University of China, Li Xisan)

“Party members use their Party status to make a living, and they lack humanity.”
“I question whether Party members truly represent the people’s interests. Just like humans, they are half-angel and half-beast, half for the public and half for the private. The Party is both great and not great, both honorable and not honorable.”
(Philosophy Department Archivist, Renmin University of China, Zhang Shaohong)

“Communist Party members lack personal opinions, independent thought, and the courage to speak the truth. They are submissive, dogmatic, and servile.”
(Marxism-Leninism Research Class Graduate Student, Renmin University of China, Zhao Zuofu)

(p. 376)

“… Active Party members have become undercover police monitoring others.” Then, pointing at Tian Gengsan (a probationary Party member and League propaganda officer), he said, “This is not your fault; the blame lies with those above you.”
“The intermediaries, fake active members, and those who cling to the higher-ups are the most unbearable people.”
(Student of Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China, Tian Zhongcang)

He insulted Party and League members, calling them “spies and lackeys.”
(Student of History Department, Renmin University of China, Pan Xiangchen)

He cursed the Party branch secretary as a “worshiper of bureaucracy” and the League branch secretary as a “stooge.” He called the Party leadership a “little tyrant,” a “fool,” and “political commissars,” and insulted the Party secretary of the second-year class in his department as “a person with festering sores.” He called the administrative cadres “corrupt officials” and insulted all supporters of the Party as “little lackeys,” “despicable people,” and “those who sharpen their wits and climb into the Party for personal gain.” He insulted those who supported the Party Committee as “snake oil salesmen” and “foolish, irrational hypocrites.”
(Student of Planning Department, Renmin University of China, Xue Xinbo)

“Communist Party members are bumpkins. There are bumpkins everywhere, and they don’t understand anything.”
(Student of Central South Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Yang Fushou)

“The Communist Party is a spy agency, and the reporting done by Party members is an act of espionage.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, Li Hanlin)

“Aside from those who participated in the Long March, the majority of Communist Party members are opportunists who infiltrated the Party. In today’s society, the Communist Party is the master, and we are just the hired hands.”
(Student of Yunnan University, Cheng Xianshou)

“Mao Zedong is a bumpkin, and Party and League members are a bunch of corrupt rascals, flatterers, secret police, and traitors.”
(Student of Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, Yin Yifu)

(p. 377)

“The Communist Party is a reactionary organization under a reactionary regime. I don’t know much about it, but they’ve always conducted secret investigations among the youth, reporting progressive youth to the reactionary government. They eavesdrop and spy, creating an atmosphere of distrust among the youth.
The problem is that some of our classmates, under the wrong idea that anti-socialist activities have already begun, are learning from the Kuomintang and even from the KKK. And it’s not impossible that some cadres and leaders are taking the lead in this. Wake up! What’s the point of all this?”
(Student of Peking University, Jiang Xingren)

“Not even the most oppressive regimes were as tightly controlled as the Communist dictatorship. Party members monitor their classmates like secret police and spies. The Communist Party creates laws (referring to the Constitution—editor’s note) but then breaks them. The mistakes of the anti-rightist campaign could have been avoided if the Party had followed the law. The Communist Party always likes to say that errors and flaws are isolated cases and that overall, everything is fine—what basis do they have for this?”
(A student from Beijing Aeronautics Institute)

“Stopping classes to fight rightists was ‘super rectification.’ It exposed the ugly, savage face of the Communist Party. The announcements about the anti-rightist campaign from the principal were brutal and authoritarian, like the return of Bismarck. Communist cadres used the anti-rightist campaign to sexually abuse young women, set up private courts, and extract confessions through torture. The Party’s methods are like steel wrapped in rubber—you can’t see the external wounds, but the internal injuries are incurable. The ‘Party class’ that appears in today’s society is no different from the marquises of the 18th century—except that they are even more arrogant and concealed.”
(A student from Beijing Aeronautics Institute)

“The Party branch is a hellish place, and the Party branch secretary is a living demon. The Party’s archival system is like the Kuomintang’s spy network, where the organization can casually write a few sentences about you.”
(Student of Yunnan University, He Bin)

(p. 378)

“Qin Hui’s bad behavior is no surprise because he was a notorious traitor. But today, when a Party leader exhibits serious bad behavior, I think it’s even worse than Qin Hui. Senior cadres should use their long-term work experience to do their jobs well, not use it to demand higher pay. Otherwise, this ‘experience’ is worthless.”
(Student of Beijing Sports Institute, Zhao Bingyi)

“The Party trains its members to be lackeys. Anyone who wants to join the Party is just a flatterer, and I have absolutely no desire to join the Party. Now, I realize, what benefits does this society really offer?”
(Beijing Sports Institute, Sheng Shihui)

“Party members are like secret police, maintaining order. Our lives lack democracy and freedom.”
(Lanzhou University, Chen Dezhang)

“Some Party members are cold and heartless, always putting on the Party’s face. Others abandon their families, like the modern-day Chen Shimei (a symbol of betrayal in Chinese culture). These people are worse than animals.”
(Lanzhou University, Cao Juemin)

“The victory achieved by revolutionary martyrs like Li Dazhao through their blood and sacrifice is now being trampled by these scum within the Party. No wonder some people say that after the victory, the Party became ‘undercover police.'”
(Institute of Russian Language, Song Yubo)

“Some Communist Party members lack humanity. Some active members climbed up by stepping on the people who were wrongly persecuted, using that as a way to join the Party.”
(Beijing Institute of Russian Language, Wang Jikun)

“He criticized some Party members (editor’s note) as being like pigs and fish (these words were censored by the wall newspaper editor—editor’s note), who just sit at home doing nothing. They don’t understand the Party’s policies and don’t explain or propagate them. They don’t unite the masses through political thought, so the relationship between Party members and the masses is indifferent, cold, neither good nor bad, and ultimately mediocre. Ha, this is what they call the ‘noble friendship of gentlemen, light as water’—it’s elegant but vulgar at the same time!”
(Beijing Institute of Russian Language, Wu Qingyang)

(p. 379)

“Today’s Party cadres are no different from Kuomintang officials—arrogant and riding on the backs of the people, committing all kinds of evil.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Li Huan-tian)

“The most shocking change nationwide is the deterioration of Party members. These members have forgotten the blood and struggle of the revolutionary martyrs. Now, they only care about personal gains, fame, and status. To join the Party, you must learn to conform, obey, flatter, and please others, even if it means going against your conscience…
The idea of special privileges for Party members is serious, and the Party branch secretary is particularly autocratic. Those who don’t meet the standards of being a Party member should be expelled, and Party committee secretaries who aren’t qualified should step down voluntarily. We call on all righteous and conscientious youth and League members to rise up and fight!”
(Yunnan University, Niu XX)

“The idea of special privileges for Party members has developed to an extreme. Party members can ‘set fire, but the common people can’t light lamps.’ It’s ‘obey me and live, defy me and die.’ If you cross a Party member, you’ll be in trouble. Party members live off their gold-plated titles. Sectarianism is rampant within the Party, but you never see them fighting each other. Party members have become arrogant and are neither respected nor likable anymore. If you take away their titles, they would be no different from the masses.”
(Yunnan University, Qin Hongmou)

“The revolution was meant to eliminate class distinctions, so why are we now classifying people as Party members, League members, and the masses? In Korea, Party and League members charged forward in battle, but now some Party members only charge forward when it comes to enjoying privileges.”
(Yunnan University, Wang Kongyuan)

(p. 380)

“In the textbook of political economy, it says that money that generates surplus value is called capital. Based on that, I think a person can be considered Party capital after joining the Party, because the gold badge of Party membership can generate a lot of surplus value:
With a badge, you can have everything—fame, status, and treatment.
With a badge, you can impersonate others and become a representative.
With a badge, you can use it to seduce women.
With a badge, you can interfere in others’ lives.
With a badge, you can greet foreign guests.
In short, all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution are reserved for those with gold badges. How tragic! How painful! Where is the status of the masses?”
(Yunnan University, Li Shouguo)

“Many Communist Party members watch others with a sinister gaze, listening and taking notes on what others say. When criticized, they become embarrassed and angry. Criticism and self-criticism have their limitations, and Party members won’t accept suggestions from non-Party members.”
“Some directors and section chiefs (referring to Party cadres—editor’s note) are incompetent. They sit in their offices issuing orders: when dealing with higher-ups, they obediently comply with everything; when dealing with mid-level staff, they dictate by following formulas (such as ‘new institute + hard work + austerity + overcoming difficulties = total care = zero’); and when dealing with lower-level staff, they use pressure, even if it’s reasonable. Some people say that only Chinese Communist Party members are competent.”
(Wuhan Surveying and Mapping Institute, Guan Qiangsun)

“Party members all speak with one voice, protecting each other.”
(Wuhan Surveying and Mapping Institute, Xing Hefang)

“A few Party members treat their golden badge like the magic lamp from Arabian Nights, expecting to enjoy its benefits for life.

They use their golden badge like this: if you want something,
just knock on it to make a sound, and right away,
your servant will appear before you.

‘What do you want, my master? A luxury car? A mansion?
Do you want the moon from the sky,
or the maiden in the moon palace?
Everything will be just as you wish.’

(p. 381)

But beware, my master! Be careful not to knock
too loudly or too long on your golden badge.
If you overdo it,
it will eventually break.”
(Yunnan University, Zhang Xi)

“The three major ‘isms’ of Party members emerged due to the significant success achieved in socialist construction, which increased their prestige among the people, leading to arrogance and complacency. To overcome the harm caused by these ‘isms,’ the prestige of Party cadres must be challenged.”
(Beijing Sports Institute, Zhang Shijie)

“The impression people have is that Party members do not treat others sincerely but instead use political tricks to control people, which makes everyone fear and avoid them… Nowadays, nearly one in ten people in every organization is like this. They don’t understand their work, nor do they try to learn, yet they rely on their Party membership and the intimidating slogan of ‘I’ve been a revolutionary for decades’ to earn high salaries and enjoy privileges.”
(Tongji University, Zhang Zhiwei)

“Leadership has a mentality of taking credit and enjoying the rewards, while Party members have an ‘iron rice bowl.’ If there were freedom to choose professions, the ‘iron bowl’ would be broken, and those ‘bumpkins’ living off their ‘revolutionary credentials’ would be done for.”
(Beijing Sports Institute, Yao Yi)

(p. 382)

“They only like flattery and refuse to listen to criticism. Over time, they only recognize themselves, ignoring others. They only see a few people in their eyes and disregard the masses. Given that they hold power, they can act as they please, especially during political campaigns, when they show their arrogance by brutally beating those they don’t like, claiming that attacking Party members is attacking the Party. They view criticism of leadership or the government as attacks, distrust the masses, and never consult them. They mystify every issue, taking advantage of the people’s loyalty to the Party to expand their attacks. This is essentially a policy of keeping the people ignorant. Meanwhile, they show great appreciation for opportunists, promoting them whenever the chance arises, creating a special kind of power. Once someone enters the Party, they feel superior and different from the masses. Party cadres rely on their authority, monopolize everything, and what they say goes. This has completely abandoned the fine tradition of the Communist Party working for the people, forming instead a kingdom of its own.”
(Shandong University, Wang Yingsu)

“Party members can be divided into three categories: those who bring honor to the Party, those who live off the Party, and those who harm the Party. Those who connect with the masses, study their work, and promote progress bring honor to the Party. Those who are disconnected from the masses, don’t study their work, and become arrogant and complacent, are the ones living off the Party. As for those who harm the Party, they might have good intentions of doing a good job, but due to their lack of knowledge or wrong mindset, they end up damaging the people’s educational cause… The majority are living off the Party.
There have also been major corrupt individuals, traitors, extreme individualists, and morally degenerate elements in the Party… I don’t judge people based on their title—whether they are Party members, League members, or union members—but on their actions and achievements. Titles are very unreliable. I only ask to be a decent Chinese person.”
(Lanzhou University, Cao Juemin)

“The famous quote ‘Communist Party members are made from special material’ has been misinterpreted and sullied by certain Party members, especially those young Party members who joined after the liberation. They think that once they join the Party, they immediately become superior beings, destined to be ‘above others.’ They consider themselves true revolutionaries, and everyone else unworthy of revolution. They walk around with their heads in the clouds, and the masses can only see their chins.”
(Shandong University, Zhao Shengzhi)

(p. 383)

“Party members are climbing higher and higher, up to the Jade Emperor’s head,
While the masses sink lower and lower, down to the demons’ feet to mine coal.”
(An unsigned couplet in front of a meeting hall at Lanzhou University)

“The so-called revolutionary consciousness of Party members is actually the result of organizational suppression and blind obedience.
Party members are limited; they are restrained and suppressed by the organization. They are like drummers, controlled and restricted by the Party, without individuality or freedom. Party discipline suppresses their individuality, and most Party members are extreme in their actions, merely executing orders like machines, without independent thought or personality.”
(Lanzhou University, Ma Qikai)

“The entire prestige of the Party lies in the combination of theory and practice, not in ‘hanging out a sheep’s head while selling dog meat’ (i.e., hypocrisy).

It is deeply regrettable that, in my institution (referring to the Russian Language Institute), people have seen many Communist Party members acting in ways that show this very hypocrisy. The Party organization undermines the sacred principle of combining theory and practice in its actions. Here are some examples to illustrate this:

1. The People’s Constitution, led by the Party, guarantees the sacred rights and duties of citizens. But how many of these rights have actually been realized in my institute? Who knows? Freedom of speech has turned into a situation where you don’t even have the freedom to criticize a bad Party member. If you speak up, you are guilty, and those who hear it retaliate. Free elections are nothing but a sham, where the people’s will is coerced.
2. Communism and socialism, first and foremost, imply absolute political equality for the people. However, in my institute, new classes are being artificially created. Party members are the new aristocracy, acting above the law. They look down on others for not being ‘progressive’ enough (because they don’t qualify for Party membership), behaving arrogantly, retaliating against others, harming the interests of the masses, and insulting people’s dignity. Some Party members flaunt their status everywhere, men using it to find wives, women using it to find husbands. Even worse, individuals like Zhu Jiu, who has been exposed by teachers as a complete enemy of the people, are still at large without facing consequences.

Party members enjoy privileges first and endure hardships last. They monopolize all matters that bring them benefits and prestige. They reap both material rewards and honors while demanding that people call them great and glorious, even as they deprive the masses of their rightful rights and interests. If anyone seeks justice, they are slandered as being selfish or individualistic.

Their ‘collective interest’ lies in harming the collective itself. They apply for financial aid but then spend it on feasts and indulgence, acting as absolute degenerates.

3. In the development of Party members, they attract their own kind. Good people cannot join the Party, while shameless flatterers are trusted and seen as loyal. Indeed, such people are necessary to maintain the despicable privileges of the Party elites, much like the so-called lackeys in history.
4. The reason why these Party members have become so rampant and destructive to the Party’s prestige is due to the protection and cultivation of factionalism within the institution. They have corrupted the souls of potentially progressive Party members who still have some conscience. They have betrayed the martyrs who sacrificed and shed blood for human equality. How could anyone with a sense of conscience, justice, and a love for truth not feel pained by this? How could they not rise up and strike against factionalism, the greatest of the ‘three evils’? Any true Communist, loyal to communism, wouldn’t still cling to these petty, shameful privileges that rest on depriving others of their legal rights, would they? Can this possibly align with the Party’s self-proclaimed noble moral principle of ‘worrying about the troubles of the world before others and enjoying its pleasures only after others’? …”
   (From Xu Ying, Russian Language Institute)

(p. 385)

“Party members hold positions and authority, daring to act, while some Party members have no position but still wield power, and some have authority but no position. The masses, having neither position nor authority, adopt an attitude of ‘it’s not my place, so it’s not my responsibility.'”
(Lanzhou University, Duan Zimei)

“Before liberation, when the Communist Party was engaging in guerrilla warfare, Party members feared being special and disconnected from the masses. Now, they fear not being special and not distancing themselves from the masses.”
(Lanzhou University, Fang Wenxin)

“Our leadership has a particular working experience: for every matter, they prefer a three-step process—first within the Party, then the League, and finally, the masses. This gives the masses the mistaken impression that Party members have special privileges, and they are always the first to know everything. This approach often carries a mysterious tone, making the masses feel like we have a sectarian style.”
(Institute of Russian Language, Li Bulu)

“In our school, people are indeed divided into different ranks. Party members always stand on higher ground. They can casually put various ‘hats’ on others, labeling them with ‘thought problems’ or ‘political passivity,’ or even accuse someone of ‘opposing the Party and the League.’ Honestly, who wouldn’t fear being branded with these accusations? As a result, people remain silent, and the contradictions grow day by day.

Certain Party members often frequent the Party office to cultivate relationships, and they take on tasks by leveraging their connections. They can suggest transferring someone from one class or target others for criticism. When there are reports or events like a garden party, they naturally get preferential treatment. After the anti-rightist campaign, the leadership made a report and apologized to some people, and the matter was resolved. But some Party members still said, ‘Honestly, if there hadn’t been any issues, we wouldn’t have targeted them.’ I don’t understand—was that person trying to cover up their mistakes at work or denying the apology? There are also shortcomings in recruitment work. There are some ‘good-natured’ people whose academic performance is poor; when teachers call on them, they often can’t answer. In their work, they merely follow others and dare not stand up for the truth (because they also fear being targeted), yet they still manage to join the Party.

It’s said that despite their poor grades, it’s because their brains aren’t good, but they work hard. Don’t believe it? Just look—they spend all day reading books. I think this deserves some research. Even though they hold books all day, who can guarantee they are learning anything? If it’s for the sake of the Party’s cause, why don’t they improve their study methods and raise their grades? If they are truly loyal to the Party’s cause and not just joining for the sake of joining, why do they follow the crowd?

Once, two students gave feedback to a Party member (including opinions on class work). The Party member said, ‘This is very good; it’s rare to get feedback like this.’ But in reality, nothing changed. Sectarianism remained untouched, and the third-class individuals who are discriminated against remain discriminated against. Most oddly, one Party member even said, ‘Hmph! If this were the anti-rightist campaign, we’d have given him a good beating.’ It turns out they see the anti-rightist campaign as a tool for targeting people.

(p. 386)

Some say that the specialized class excels at creating ‘superiors,’ and I don’t think this is entirely fabricated. For example, comrades like Xia Zhigui and Li Heng have become ‘superiors,’ but their virtue and talent aren’t actually that impressive. They don’t deserve to be ‘superiors.’
With the rise of ‘superiors,’ there’s also a growing number of flatterers, though their relationships are not as harmonious as they appear on the surface.

I despise the discrimination among comrades because ‘comrade’ itself implies equality. I sincerely hope that through this movement, this discrimination can be eliminated for good, so we can all stand tall and unite, advancing together.”
(Institute of Russian Language, Liu Yaohua)

“Punishments for Party members within the Party just mean a promotion in administrative rank.
Our Constitution only applies to the masses, while Party members are exceptions.
When the Party committee leadership makes mistakes, it doesn’t matter, but when we make mistakes, we have to take the fall. Even now, power is monopolized by those old bureaucrats, and it’s infuriating.

Our university president and other presidents, even higher education officials, all have the same faults, so they never criticize each other.
The leadership of our school’s publication and all its staff are exclusively Party members. But at Peking University, the student union runs things, which shows that our institute lacks democracy.”
(Institute of Russian Language, Lin Wenliao)

“Classmates! Don’t be like the wise men of old who covered their ears. Clean out your ears and listen, open your eyes and see: do today’s Party members meet these ‘eight standards’? They don’t talk or laugh; they don’t make noise or argue; they don’t shout or listen; they don’t run or jump; they are obedient and disciplined; they follow orders and instructions; they are well-behaved, eating and sleeping as they should. Ha ha! The situation is like this: the Party members and active members are all sound asleep.”
(Sichuan Agricultural College, Xu Kongjun)

(p. 387)

Xia Dingyou handed out three hats in his speech: “The first hat is a red-topped hat worn by a Qing dynasty official, which goes to the Party secretary of the provincial committee, Yu Weidai. The second is a military officer’s hat (which Xia explained to the Sichuan Daily reporter as a hat worn by extras on stage). Every Party member can wear this hat. To their superiors, they are obedient and submissive; to their subordinates, they are arrogant and overbearing, just like extras on stage. The third is the hat of subjectivism, which I give to the school Party secretary, Zhao. It fits him perfectly.” Xia Dingyou had strong opinions about old Party members. In his view, the agricultural college isn’t doing well because there are too many old Party members. In his words, “It’s like a new emperor with new ministers.”
(Sichuan Agricultural College, Xia Dingyou)

“There are contradictions within the school. These contradictions are between the Party and non-Party members, between leaders and those being led, between teachers and students, and between older and younger teachers. These are all human-made problems. Therefore, it is mainly up to the Party to tear down these walls and fill these gaps. Since the Communist Party is the ruling party, and Party members hold key and decisive positions, if we want to close the gap with the masses, we must start with the Party members. After all, they are the main creators of these walls and gaps. If you don’t admit this, then you deny the idea that existence determines consciousness. So, we must base our decisions on the facts, not vague theory.”
(Northeast Forestry University, Wang Yeshi)

“Party member leaders generally have disproportionately high salaries… For certain cadres who clamor for status and benefits, the leadership of the institute indulges them excessively. As a result, they rise rapidly in the ranks, and their influence spreads widely, elevating those around them as well, creating a bloated and overlapping bureaucratic structure… The masses refer to them as ‘newly rich.’ These numerous officials protect each other within this bureaucratic stronghold, engaging in corruption and various improper activities… The quality of these Party members is gradually declining, as they engage in disguised corruption, seeking small personal gains. State subsidies have become a tempting lure for department and division-level cadres. In short, they enjoy the benefits of power and privilege, ahead of everyone else, while being the last to take on any burdens.”
(Beijing Institute of Russian Language, Wu Qingyang)

“I support the Communist Party, but I resent and despise certain Party members who think they are made of ‘special material.’ If there is such a thing as Stalinism, then it is this notion of ‘special material theory.’ I do not view Party members as being made of any special material.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Yang Zhiyi)

(p. 388)

“Party members have two faces. In normal times, they wear the face of a widow from feudal times—serious and cold as frost. Occasionally, they smile, but as someone who studies theater, I can tell you it’s a fake smile, not a genuine one. Some say that people are lively before joining the Party, but lose all their energy after they join. During political movements, they wear the face of a butcher, ferocious and terrifying. Intellectuals who have been through several movements are understandably afraid.
Party members have learned their ‘dialectics’ well—they can argue back and forth with elaborate justifications, leaving others speechless. On the surface, everyone agrees, but in their hearts, they do not. In the past, facts instilled fear in people. They would cast a long line to catch a big fish, lure the enemy in, keep records, and report—a ‘three-step process.'”

“There are two kinds of laws: when a Party member makes a mistake, even if it results in someone’s death during a movement, they are only asked to make a self-criticism. Party members who have made multiple self-criticisms still get promoted ‘up the ranks like in a helicopter.’ But when the masses make a mistake, it’s a big deal. When Party members are the ones being disciplined, it’s a ‘gentle breeze and light rain,’ but when others are being disciplined, it’s a ‘violent storm.’ Therefore, Party members are not afraid of making mistakes; after all, they can just make another self-criticism. Party members with bad character are likely to prepare to self-criticize after getting someone else killed.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Dong Meikan)

“Now it’s all about officials protecting each other. Even if a Party member is terrible, they can still hold office, earning far more money than those who toil day and night, and they also hold the ‘power of life and death.'”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Chen Yihua)

“The criteria for new Party members are: 1) They step on classmates who were persecuted during the anti-rightist campaign to advance themselves—these are the ‘active participants’ from the anti-rightist campaign; 2) They come from good family backgrounds; 3) They are good at speaking and can report to superiors.”
(South Central Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Zhou Zaixing)”I propose a movement of self-awareness. Those who are not worthy of being Party or Youth League members should voluntarily withdraw from the Party and the League. Those who are not suited for higher education should voluntarily leave the university. For example, Vice Dean Gu (a Party member) is not suited for higher education work; he should be leading a labor reform team. If he has a conscience, he should voluntarily resign. Chen Guan (Youth League secretary) is even less suited for higher education work; he should only be supervising labor reform prisoners.”
(South Central Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Huang Jichun)

(p. 389)