1957: Pt III Hundred Flowers Rightists Speak: Socialism, Slandering the Party, Democracy (2025)

Here are translated excerpts from the 1958 Renmin University book 888-page Renmin University September 1958 bookSelected Rightist Speeches from Institutions of Higher Educationpublished by the Office of Socialist Ideology Education, Communist Party Committee, Renmin University of China 【高等学校右派言論选編中共中国人民大学委員会社会主义思想敎育办公室】give us the full spectrum of views the Chinese Communist Party expressed during theHundred Flowersspeak frankly campaign of 1957 subsequently labelled as ‘rightist’.

Many former ‘rightist’ have published books and articles about their experiences — some in the PRC in book form or online, others in Hong Kong where the 57 Studies Publishing Company published Kong Linping’s Blood Chronicles in CD format (translated on this blog — see Table of Contents Kong Lingping’s Rightist Memoir “Blood Chronicle” 《血纪》 FullTranslation). Some other memoirs were published in Taiwan or the United States. Some were banned and import from Hong Kong punished as was the case of Yin Shuping’s book Qiuwang 秋望 see English Translation of Excerpt from Yin Shuping’s RightistMemoir and Author of “Rightist” Memoir, Chengdu Writer Yin Shuping Faces Bankruptcy andPersecution .

One of the special things about this very long book is that many voices not available elsewhere can be heard — a wide spectrum of ‘rightist’ views reproduced at length by the Party Committee at Renmin University. Why? Could there have been some discussion within the Party just how dangerous the criticisms were and how severe its reaction should be? While this book is comprehensive in a sense, it is also narrow in that the vast majority of the criticisms are from faculty and staff of Renmin University — an elite school closely tied to the Chinese Communist Party.

How China has not changed has struck me reading the first 200 pages of this book. During my ten years in the PRC (Embassy Beijing and Consulate General Chengdu) I often heard people talk about the vast changes in China. The big divide is the first half up to the death of Mao and the subsequent re-founding of the PRC under Hua Guofeng, Deng Xiaoping, and Hu Yaobang. Deng, while never top dog (never Party General Secretary or head of government albeit he was chair of the Central Military Commission), lived long enough to make sure he got all the credit.

Overall I am impressed more by the continuity of the PRC than by its changes. How many of the criticisms the rightists advanced are still valid today? The Chinese Party’s take on Stalinism as it developed a sinicized brand of communism (I enjoyed Professor Pang Hu’s essay translated here at 2015: PRC Marxist Scholar on the Sinicization of Marxism and the Confucianization of Sun Yatsen’s Three People’sPrinciples), the people’s democratic dictatorship, the absolute rule of the Party and the interdiction of any deviation from the socialist system as interpreted by the Communist Party. All this has been bedrock since the founding of the PRC albeit with some tactical loosening at times (such as a near-death experience after the Cultural Revolution) by the Party which reserves the right to withdraw concessions to society at any time at its sole discretion. The above used to be in the preamble to the PRC Constitution but was moved down to Article One, perhaps not coincidentally, around 2010 when some Chinese scholars were talking about the possibility of democratizing China by implementing the PRC Constitution.

Interesting, although in the PRC the courts do not have the authority to interpret the Constitution — interpretation of the Constitution is reserved to the National People’s Congress.

Article 1The People’s Republic of China is a socialist state governed by a people’s democratic dictatorship that is led by the working class and based on an alliance of workers and peasants.
The socialist system is the fundamental system of the People’s Republic of China. Leadership by the Communist Party of China is the defining feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is prohibited for any organization or individual to damage the socialist system.
From PRC Constitution

Following the excerpts in Part I, in Part II begins a full translation.

In this series:

1958: Party’s “Rightist” Speech Collection After Hundred Flowers Campaign
1957: Hundred Flowers Criticisms of Party and State, Part II — Democratic Dictatorship, Centralism, Law…
1957: Pt III Hundred Flowers Rightists Speak Out from Party Book
1957: Pt. IV ‘Rightists’ Speak — Slandering Mao and the Party
1957：Hundred Flowers Critiques of the Party by Rightists Part V — Party Committee System andFactionalism
1957: VI Rightist Critiques of Party Members, Organization, Bureaucracy, Tyranny andPrivilege
1957: VII Criticizing Party Leadership During “Hundred Flowers” Speak FranklyCampaign
1957: Part VIII Party Openness Campaign Confronts Unanticipated Democracy Movement Emerging Down Below; Party Itself at Root of the Dread ‘ThreeEvils’
1957: Part IX Excesses of 1955-57 Campaign to Eradicate Counterrevolutionaries; Defending Hu Feng in theArts
1957: Part X ‘Rightists’ Criticize Agricultural Collectivization, Industrial and CommercialPolicy
1957: XI Hundred Flowers Criticizing Party Leadership, Policies, andMarxism
1957: XII ‘Rightist’ Criticisms — Hungary, Industrialization, Slandering the SovietUnion
1957: XIII Rightist Critiques of Renmin University Educational Bureaucracy, Talks on Ideology, Society, Soviet Foreign Policy, Press Freedom, and the Hu FengCase

Topics for Part III. The full Table of Contents is the end of Part I at 1958: Party’s “Rightist” Speech Collection After Hundred FlowersCampaign

(II) Two Systems111

Hostility towards the socialist system. 111
Exaggerating capitalism, belittling socialism. 131
Slandering the new society for creating a “new bureaucracy,” “new class.” 141
Slandering the new society for having a “class system.” 148
Slandering interpersonal relationships in the new society. 150
Slandering that personality cult is a product of the socialist system. 122
Slandering every movement, denying the achievements of each movement. 141
Misconceptions about party loyalty, human nature, individuality, and class nature. 168
Misconceptions about the “small prosperity phenomenon.” 163
Attacking the Party’s Fundamental Policies. 163

(III) Regarding the Party’s Leadership166

Slandering the Communist Party of China. 166

You can find this book online at Marxists.org at高等学校右派言論选編in scanned PDF format. I did optical Chinese character recognition of the scanned PDF file using Wondershare PDF Element with excellent results and then converted the PDF into aWord document available here.There are a few places where the OCR did not get the correct Chinese character; there you can refer to the link at Marxists.org. Once I had the Word doc, I used ChatGPT 4o to get a quite respectable Chinese -> English machine translation. I then corrected the translation and added some references.

(II) Two Systems

Hostility towards the Socialist System

“As for my view of the social system, it has gone through a process. Previously, I wondered: Is the socialist system not good? No one would believe it, and as a socialist myself, of course, I couldn’t believe it either. But after observing some social phenomena, seeing a series of harmful issues, can you say they are unrelated to the system? It’s hard to convince people of that, and it doesn’t make sense. The basic principle of Marxism-Leninism is that social existence determines social consciousness. It’s impossible to ignore the system when addressing these issues.

Last time, I was a bit vague when I spoke, referring to the system as a concrete one, such as the bureaucratic apparatus (which I learned from Tito), and also the personnel system. At that time, I didn’t dare to say the social system was problematic, so I spoke more vaguely.

Now, my view is that the two explanations are not contradictory at all (Note from the recorder: referring to the specific system and the political system). However, the existing system is the direct cause of these harmful issues. What does this mean? Recently, I revisited some Marxist-Leninist works and thought about it. I realized we had confused an issue. Neither we nor the Soviet Union have established socialism, so we cannot even speak of socialism. Currently, socialism is merely a political term! It is fundamentally not some new truth. I suddenly became aware of this issue. Marx and Engels were very clear that the characteristic of a socialist society is public ownership of the means of production, a level of productivity far beyond capitalism, and a superstructure that is not capitalist in nature. There is fundamentally no proletarian dictatorship. The dictatorship of the proletariat is a transitional phase, and we are now in the transitional period, in the period of building socialism, which is fundamentally not socialism.

In 1936, Stalin declared that socialism had been established in the Soviet Union. This was wrong and self-deceptive. The Soviet Union was not socialist, and to claim it was transitioning to communism? I still disagree with this. The proletarian dictatorship still exists in the Soviet Union, so how can it be socialism?

Lenin once said: socialism means the elimination of classes. From this perspective, neither of us are socialist societies. We are in the transitional period, the construction period.

Currently, the system produces ‘three harms.’ A socialist system does not produce ‘three harms.’

Stalin’s theory was that socialism could be built in one country. He overturned Engels’ theory. Stalin did not develop Marxism-Leninism; he distorted it.

Engels was right. It’s impossible to establish socialism without the majority of countries achieving victory.

Have struggles been completely eliminated now? As long as imperialism exists, the proletarian dictatorship is necessary, and it cannot be called socialism. Therefore, I think Engels was correct: socialism can only be established when the majority of countries have achieved revolutionary victories. We are currently in a transitional period, not socialism. If it were socialism, it would be different from the socialism described by Marx and Lenin. Of course, this doesn’t mean that we are not a socialist-type country.” (Statement by Lin Xiling, a student at the Law School of Renmin University of China)

“Today’s ownership system is socialist, the level of productive forces is not socialist, the people’s spiritual life is socialist, but their material life is not socialist. China’s construction of socialism has been too hasty. The result:

a. Except for major cities, all central cities nationwide have declined.
b. Agricultural production has relatively decreased.”

Some Issues in Social Life”

Praising socialism while covering up its dark sides will increase internal contradictions among the people. In the “Political Economy Textbook,” there isn’t a single sentence that genuinely points out the dark side of socialism. We must expose the dark side; without doing so, we cannot clearly understand in which direction society is heading.
Bureaucratism can develop to such a severe extent that the relationship between leaders and the led can turn into that of rulers and ruled, or masters and slaves.
If the superstructure develops to a severe extent—bureaucratism and sectarianism—it will fundamentally change the nature of the economy, causing dissatisfaction among people, and eventually lead them to overthrow the social system.
There is doubt about the socialist system’s care for people. The speaker urges comrades to consider how much the socialist system truly cares for people in real life and to investigate the root of the issue.
Sectarianism exists within the personnel system.
The reward system in industry is actually a form of collective corruption. (Zhang Qishun, Assistant Professor, Political Economy Research Department, Renmin University of China)

Slandering and Hating the Socialist System

“Wang Yu and the Princess” (excerpt)
“Is this also considered virtue?
XXX
Is this really called a ‘fair’ system?
Do ordinary people have the right to watch your ‘song and dance’ performances?
XXX
Seeing the golden-haired princess, I think of the people’s suffering. How can this be fair and reasonable, when laborers don’t enjoy the same care?
XXX
If you’re alive, you’ll cause trouble, and even after death, you’ll be buried in controversy. This is the true character of a person, and this is the true talent of a person!
XXX
Poetry should speak up for the people’s grievances and suffering! It should attack unreasonable things!
It doesn’t matter what label is given, enduring hardship for the masses is a blessing.
My child can appreciate art and write poetry,
X
X
Who can truly see the ‘song and dance’ performances?
Look at the prince and princess,
Embrace each other and dance,
While farmers sweat on the fields,
Working tirelessly under the sun.”
XXX
Even after a year of labor, the peasants’ lives remain tough.
The pampered nobles live a life of luxury,
Wearing silk and satin, their lives are carefree and happy.
July 26, 1957

“The Affairs of Peasants” (excerpt)
“Socialism is good, but individuals cannot endure it!
Officials are without jobs, difficulties surround everyone.
XXX
When you seek an explanation, they say you’re the problem.
This is national procurement, and that’s national marketing, and even individual lives are in their hands!
XXX
They allow me to live, then I can live;
If they don’t, I could head to the mountains to survive.
I don’t want socialism, nor the national procurement or marketing!
XXX
I’ve been a party member,
But the demands on individuals are too strict! (For ordinary members, exceptions are made for high-ranking ones). As for my life,
You can go home and produce!
XXX
I would rather go to the mountains;
I will reclaim land,
And establish my own modern-day ‘Peach Blossom Spring.’
XXX
In the mountains, free from restraints,
People can live off their labor and production.
XXX
Under the broad daylight, darkness blankets the world.
The ancients spoke of twelve suns—
Where have they gone, under which mountain are they now?
XXX
Although the harvest was not good,
It was enough for survival.
Why, then, are so many struggling and crying out in despair?
XXX
Where has the produce of the people gone?
Your officials are also suffering and crying out!”

“Sun, Rise!”
“Sun, rise! You brighten the world;
The world is too dark!

The long river of life,
Filled with people’s suffering,
Their torment,
XXX
Sun, rise!”
It belongs to the pure and brave people—
All the vile elements in the world
Will be eliminated by the kind and brave people!
XXX
The sun has risen! People are cheering.
But how will they cross the long river of suffering that torments their lives?
The future world will turn into a river of joy and happiness!
December 1956, Homeland
(Written by Wang Dianbiao, a student at the Agricultural Economics Department of Renmin University of China)

“Many people have things they are afraid to say. In the past, thoughts were not liberated, and people didn’t act according to their own thoughts. They had to think in a certain way, speak in a certain way, and act in a certain way.”
“In the past, people didn’t dare to speak up and kept their thoughts inside, only letting them sink deeper.”
“Based on my experience, all we could say was positive things, without truly recognizing the problems. The vitality of people was suffocated by the new society. We could only speak about the superiority of the system, about how the Party is brilliant and great, and that achievements are the main thing. This is a rigid and linear way of thinking. The Party is glorious, great, and correct, but does it not have mistakes? We should restore the true face of history. The bourgeoisie is decayed, but there must be a standard for judging conscience. The bourgeoisie is condemned in one blow, leaving no room for independent thinking.”
“Why is there such widespread mental fatigue among young people? This has to do with their inability to speak freely, their concerns about the future, fear of being labeled, worries about joining the Party, the Youth League, career prospects, ambitions, jobs, love, and so on.”

(Jiang Shaojun, graduate student of Marxist-Leninist Studies at Renmin University of China)

“Beijing seems like a good name, but it’s a pit that harms people. Some people naturally enjoy privileges, but more people are troubled by having no means of living. Wages are received, but there is no house to live in, nothing to eat. So, though money may be shiny like gold, it’s something you can only look at but not eat.”
(Li Heting, translator at the Editing and Translation Office of Renmin University of China)

“China has no legal system, it’s a barbaric country. Intellectuals face the biggest contradictions: first are the peasants, second are the workers, third is the army, and then come the intellectuals. Peasants have great contradictions because they can’t fill their bellies. Eighty percent of the personnel in the military are former Nationalist defectors, and these people have been through several political purges, causing great discontent. The newspapers dare not publish anything about it for fear of shaking the army’s morale.”
“Society is extremely unstable right now.”
“What about socialism? You still only get two meals a day, and in the end, you still get purged.”
(Li Wanchang, lecturer at the Department of Industrial Economics at Renmin University of China)

The new society, in his eyes, was all unpleasant. He was “hostile to everything around him.” When we participated in the May Day and National Day parades, he refused to join. He believed that participating in the parade was like being an “exhibit at an agricultural show, like a bean for people to look at,” which was an insult to his dignity. “For the sake of my dignity, I didn’t want to join the parade.”
(Materials about Wu Ruwen, student at the Philosophy Department of Renmin University of China)

“In this deceptive world and society, there is no standpoint.” But he believed it was just his bad luck, and there were no real heroes or great figures—just people who got lucky. “Even the farts of those in power smell good,” he thought, believing that this unjust society had buried him.
“We did gain unprecedented independence and autonomy after liberation, but we are not the liberators, nor are we the liberated. Rather, we are treated like criminals who have been pardoned, like landlords, capitalists, or counterrevolutionaries undergoing re-education. Oh, was resisting the Japanese invaders really a crime?”
(Note: His father was a Nationalist spy who was arrested during the puppet regime.) “And now, those enjoying privileges are the people who, in the past, were obedient citizens. Those who put down their knives became ‘Buddhas’—the old masters and mistresses who have been ‘reformed’ are now living well.”
“Their children are well-fed, well-dressed, and all have graduated from universities, while I, after serving as a soldier and fighting, have been left disabled, my youth wasted.”
“If, at the beginning, I had dared to say ‘no’ to this unjust path, I would have been labeled as ‘individualistic.’ If I had dared to suggest ‘democracy,’ I would have been labeled anti-Party and anti-people, and I would have been attacked by the masses.”

(Materials from Deng Xianfu, student at the Department of Finance at Renmin University of China)

“Some have raised this question: Can socialism really last long? If the answer is yes, then how do we explain the huge storm that occurred shortly after the founding of the nation, when the country was still full of vigor and people had fresh memories of war? Doubts about whether socialism can last, whether it will deteriorate or be restored to its old form, arose after the 20th Congress, as international events caused confusion in my own thoughts. The Stalin and Hungarian events weren’t heartbreaking, but they made me remember and doubt our own work. It wasn’t the right-wingers who stirred up the storm during the Rectification Movement, it was the people. Lin Xiling raised dissatisfaction with reality, and I fully agree. If you are satisfied with reality, how can a monkey turn into a man? Reports and newspapers only mention the good things and not the bad. They only talk about the years 1947 and 1948, but not about the present. The Party’s approach of exaggerating the positives and covering up the negatives is misleading.”
(An assistant at Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“The environment (including the class, school, and society) has caused him to feel this way—’cold,’ ‘suffocating,’ and without light, pushing me as if whipped into the prisoner’s cell, enduring all sorts of torture.”
“It feels as though I have been locked in a dark prison, with not a single ray of light coming in. If this goes on for long, it will become suffocating! The cold universe cannot freeze the warm blood flowing through my body, or the trembling of friendship, nor can it torment all that is sacred.”
“There is no song here, no love, and nothing that makes you feel attached to life—no branches to hold on to, no grasslands that make you reluctant to leave. There is only study, weighing heavily on your shoulders, and it feels as though there is a whip, lashing your back.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“You must be adaptable, or else you’ll be eliminated! Yes, society is a strange thing, both ruthless and ever-changing. Sometimes it feels warm and sentimental, but at other times, it becomes cold and sinister.”
“People learn to climb up the social ladder by any means necessary, creating an environment of habitual pressure. You have no choice but to conform, or else you will face various forms of destruction, forcing you off the path of life.”
“If you want to live ‘happily’ in a materialistic world without worries, you must learn how to talk nonsense, go with the flow, reverse right and wrong, say grand and respectable things while thinking of x and y.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Give me back my life, you bureaucrats! Do you understand what it means to be human—what it means to be ‘a youth’? Do you know how to educate young people? You have driven me, a 19-year-old, to the path of suicide. You haven’t yet gone to dig a grave, nor have you gone to offer a self-sacrifice. How many more young people must die in your clutches? Comrades, fellow citizens, save the youth! Let us use our collective hands to bury bureaucratism forever!”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Since the 20th Congress, I have believed that the mistakes in the Soviet Union were caused by the system, and the mistakes in Hungary and Poland were also caused by the system. I am very interested in the system of Yugoslavia, where there is no gap between the people and the leaders, and bureaucratism doesn’t arise. Poland and Hungary have reformed their systems, drawing from some of Yugoslavia’s methods.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“In the past, Hu Shi once said, ‘A single spit can destroy a family,’ and Marxists laughed at how ridiculous this was, insisting that even such a simple social phenomenon as spitting should be analyzed through production relations (material basis). Why then do some Marxists today, when faced with the widespread issue of personal worship, look for the problem in ideological consciousness instead of the material foundation?”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Has our country fully implemented socialist ownership?”
“Why doubt it? The constitution clearly stipulates it. Public-private partnerships and agricultural cooperatives entered socialism a long time ago. State-owned enterprises further reflect public ownership…
Clearly, I too have a share in the wealth of the entire nation, but it’s a frozen asset, and there isn’t enough of a democratic system to allow me to manage it. Only now is there a push for collective ownership and calls for transparency in accounting. The production of factories is still handled by the factory directors and the Party committees. Our newspapers all follow the same viewpoint, so we have no comprehensive understanding of our country or factories. Policies and development plans are decided by the Party or a few individuals, handed down from the top. Before I even know what’s going on, there are already three new university graduates in Russian. We truly lack sovereignty over the present situation…”
(Jiang Xingren, student at Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“The socialist economy also has its negative side, which is that it cannot optimally motivate workers’ enthusiasm. The collective ownership of factories in Yugoslavia is comparatively better; the mutual competition and learning between workers can stimulate their enthusiasm for labor.”

“The socialist economic system is advanced, but a corresponding political system has yet to be found. Currently, the political systems in all socialist countries are not ideal, mainly because they are not democratic. The communist movement is currently in a downturn, and the reason for this is the fundamental flaws (lack of democracy) within the social systems of each country and within the Communist Parties themselves. As a result, the leadership has replaced the thinking of the masses. A fundamental reform is necessary, and Yugoslavia has started to experiment with this, although it is far from successful.”
(Yang Lu, Peking University)

“Do not forget our social system. We have a dual task: to handle the internal contradictions among the people and to fight against the enemy, Chiang Kai-shek. The task of class struggle brings inevitable flaws to our system, and these flaws have become the root of the ‘three harms.’ Without changing our social system, it is impossible to completely eradicate the three harms.”
(Xu Kexue, Peking University)

“There was an uprising in Hungary. The Soviet Union had Stalin’s autocratic rule, and China also has severe bureaucratism and sectarianism. Although the situations are different, they share common social roots. This is not just an issue of ideological understanding or Party member behavior. The leaders of Yugoslavia claim that their socialist system is superior. If their socialist system is truly superior, if it can indeed promote more democracy and better align with the will of the people, why not learn from them?”

Demands:

Fully promote democracy!
Abolish the Communist Party’s special privileges in the government!
Follow the path of socialist public ownership based on the majority’s will (no problem with this).
Let the people truly be the masters of the country.
Leadership should come from leaders freely elected by the people (no self-appointment).”
(Wang Cunxin, Peking University)

“Stalin’s mistake was mainly due to excessive personal power. The root cause of personal worship must be sought in the system. It was the system that created a small core of individuals with absolute authority, with no one to oversee them. In China, Chairman Mao also experiences personal worship, which is reflected primarily in the widespread publication of his poems—this is entirely unnecessary. In socialism, political theory has become rigid, and no one is able to, nor are there resources to, propose new improvements in political philosophy. Only the Party Central Committee and Chairman Mao can do this.”
(Zhang Efang, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“Why are the ‘three harms’ even worse now than they were before? During the time of the Nationalist Party, we didn’t hear about such rampant bureaucratism. Yet now, bureaucratism is everywhere. Is the new society more conducive to its growth? Is it easier for a seed to grow in the desert or in fertile soil? The Party committee system in schools is breeding bureaucratism.”
(Xu Jihe, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“Since the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union, a series of significant changes have occurred within the socialist camp and in our country. This has led me to think that the flaws in the socialist camp are increasing, the problems are getting bigger, and the communist movement is becoming more difficult. As a result, I have started to waver and doubt whether socialism is correct and whether it can truly work in the world. I question whether the socialist system can fully unleash the creativity of the people, and whether the theory can continue to develop.”

“There is no sunshine, I am in the cold storm and rain,
There is no warm air, pursuing the truth of life.”
(Zhang Wenyue, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Now that I am here, I can’t help but think deeply: How is it that in today’s world, there are still such high-ranking officials and dignitaries who exploit and oppress the people for their own gain? I do not understand.”
(Wu Guizhi, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Today’s political, legal, and public security cadres are mostly former soldiers, who do not understand the law. They arbitrarily pull out and execute those who disagree with them, causing many families to be broken apart. How cruel this is! This shows that the social system is flawed and should be condemned.”
(Li Mingxian, Beijing Mining Institute)

“In socialist society, politics is undemocratic, and distribution is unfair. Peasants live very hard lives, while Party members’ wages are high. When wages are reformed, bureaucrats get the biggest raises. This is a case of allowing the rich to eat meat while the poor can only eat bran. Government leaders live in luxurious houses, eat fish and meat, and drive small cars. How can this be called ‘sharing the hardships’ with the peasants?”
(Li Yi, Beijing Mining Institute)

“The main contradiction in socialism lies in the division of labor—one person drives a small car, while another cleans the toilet. This contradiction is impossible to resolve.”
(Zhao Zigong, Beijing Mining Institute)

“Today’s leadership is essentially a form of rule. Today’s society is neither free nor democratic, which makes people numb and indifferent. Society today is hypocritical and dark. Much of what is happening in society now is exactly what Lu Xun opposed back then.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

Hu Feng said it well: “I hate the hypocritical people in this society. I have seen through life and through this world that consumes human beings alive! Oh, human civilization! Why don’t you cry out in sorrow? Under such social pressure, it is impossible to speak for anyone. These eight years after liberation have been long and painful, turning people upside down, eight years filled with hidden evils.
The youth in our country have no future. Individuality cannot be freely expressed. The spirit of today’s era is like that of a person with a lion’s body but a human face…”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Prices are not stable; they have risen significantly. Even increasing wages doesn’t help. They don’t call it inflation, they call it ‘adjustment,’ which sounds nicer.”
(Mo Yongming, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“At this point, should I resist reality or compromise with it? I know, and I don’t know. I resist it because people lack freedom and happiness. I temporarily compromise because, after all, my homeland is progressing in history. But now, as great contradictions brew within, this regime is beginning to crumble!
From these few days of activity, I have concluded that the current system must be overthrown and replaced with a new society, but certainly not the capitalist private ownership system…
The era is moving! And I am moving with it! I hope to be an actor in this dynamic era, not a spectator!
As things move, I must remain calm, calm, and watch how the world will change.”
(Editor’s note: This was during the Hungarian Revolution.)
(Li De, student at Renmin University of China, Philosophy Department)

Program for Overthrowing Socialist Society and Establishing a “Peasant Society”

1. “The Affairs of Peasants” (Excerpt)
“Any ruler will speak sweetly in the early days of seizing power, and they will release some pleasant statements.
XXX
But once they achieve victory, they will push the people far away. They will give the people some tools and order them to toil in hard labor!
XXX
The royal party sits high in the palace, shouting: ‘The people should do this, the people should do that!’ All authority is pressed down on the people!
XXX
Dynasty after dynasty passes, with the old always being replaced by the new. When will a just era finally come?
When rulers and the people share life and death, and breathe as one.
XXX
Everyone will work, and all will share the fruits of labor. Life will be happy, and thoughts will be pure.
XXX
Peasants must take control of the world, only then can they ensure their own production and prosperity. Whoever creates the fruits of labor can freely enjoy them.
XXX
That is the peasant society, which will bring blessings to the peasants. Those who work hard will live a better life!
XXX
People from all walks of life should work for the peasants, for all people come from the countryside.
XXX
All past dynasties have sat on the backs of the peasants. Naturally, all those dynasties have failed.
XXX
All people in the world serve the peasants! Think of your ancestors, did they not also come from there?
XXX
Rain originates from the fire of the sea, and eventually returns to the ocean. People come from the peasants, and in the end, they will return to the peasants.
XXX
All things in the world move forward continuously. Society also progresses forward, toward the highest peak—the entry into a peasant society.”

The Beautiful and Equal Peasant Society is Coming Soon. Why don’t people rise up quickly?

Quickly drive away those emperors who sit on the heads of the peasants!

Abolish this unreasonable era!

XXX

The night is getting deeper,

The celestial bodies are constantly changing. Why is it still so dark?

The day is about to break!

XXX

The darkness before dawn makes life even harder for the people.

Peasants of all of China and the world, rise up and act!

XXX

After the victory of the peasants, everyone will be equal and free. If you are willing to produce collectively, the state will seriously and responsibly provide you with plows and oxen.

XXX

If you prefer to work alone, the state will also strongly support you.

We will establish a country where the production of agricultural and sideline products flourishes.

XXX

Workers are the hands of the peasants,

Intellectuals are also the children of peasants,

126

Merchants and city dwellers are also the children of peasants.

XXX

All the dynasties throughout history,

Were traitors to the peasants! If this weren’t the case,

Why would there have been one peasant uprising after another throughout the generations?

XXX

Among the leaders of peasant uprisings, throughout history, none have been loyal to the peasants.

Only today’s peasant leaders can truly see through the history of both China and the world.

XXX

We issue the call to arms,

Rise up! Overthrow the era of inequality! Overthrow socialist society!

Establish a peasant society!

July 5, 1957

2. “Song of the Peasant Army”

“We are the army of peasants,
We want freedom!
We want a good life,
We must rise up and fight!
XXX
Whoever dares to oppress the peasants,
We will all join hands!
To avenge our peasant elders,
We will strike down the wicked, leaving them bloodied!
XXX
We will smash the dark era,
Bringing light and oxen to the peasants.
Protect the peasants as they labor joyfully,
Ensuring they have enough to eat and wear.
XXX
We are the sons of peasants,
We are willing to be the oxen of the peasants,
In peacetime, we will sow their fields,
In wartime, we will fight for them!
XXX
We hold iron picks and hoes,
Breaking the chains placed upon the peasants.
We will crush the exploitation of the peasants,
Let our peasants be free!
XXX
We are the army of peasants,
In peacetime, we till the fields for the peasants,
In wartime, we fight for them,
For light and for freedom!
We sow in spring,
And harvest in autumn.
We fight today,
And victory will come tomorrow.
We are the army of peasants,
Fighting for the suffering peasants!
We will not rest until victory is ours!
We will fight forever!”
July 6, 1957 (Draft)

The Political Program to Overthrow Socialist Society and Establish a “Peasant Society”

1. His so-called “theoretical” basis:

“The peasants’ strengths are first, their weaknesses second,” so they can serve as the leaders of the revolution. The failures of peasant movements in history are merely due to “the betrayal of peasant leaders.” He wrote: “People always talk about the virtues of workers… Why not talk about the virtues of peasants?” He believed that “modern peasant leaders” leading the revolution could avoid failure.
“Peasants are the ancestors of all people, so they are naturally the rulers of society.” He wrote, “Workers are the children of peasants, intellectuals are also the children of peasants, merchants and city dwellers are also the children of peasants,” and “People come from peasants, and in the end, return to peasants.”

2. Wang Dianbiao’s anti-Party, anti-socialist program:

Politically, he advocated for the establishment of a “Heavenly Dynasty” type of “Peasant Society.” In his view, such a society would be one where “everyone works, and everyone enjoys the fruits of labor,” with “equality and freedom.” His ambitions did not stop there—he even sought to extend the “Peasant Society” worldwide, calling for “peasants of the world! Rise up and act! Abolish this unreasonable era!”
Organizationally, he believed that peasants should have their own Party, stating that the Communist Party should be “the Party of the peasants.” As early as 1953, while at a worker-peasant training school, he held this view.
Militarily, he believed that revolution requires armed force, and the peasants must establish their own army. Hence, he composed the “Song of the Peasant Army” to inspire so-called “morale.”
(Materials from Wang Dianbiao, student at the Agricultural Economics Department of Renmin University of China)

“I believe socialism is no good. Why are there no good movies? Why are there no good sports in Shanghai? These all show that socialism contains insurmountable contradictions. We need to study socialism using the ‘law of the negation of the negation.'”
(Pan Shiyuan, student at the Philosophy Department of Renmin University of China)

“Now is the darkest era in Chinese history. After the Rectification Movement, I hope we can build a truly new society.”
(Tai Da, assistant at the Russian Language Research Office, Renmin University of China)

“Zhang Bojun attacked prematurely, when the forces were still immature and weak, so failure was inevitable. Currently, the new forces in our country—the free bourgeoisie and wealthy peasants—are still small and not yet strong enough to compete with the Communist Party. However, in a backward country like China, these forces can develop quickly under certain conditions. By relying on this new force and through nonviolent means, we can change the current society and achieve the ‘third path’ I dreamed of in the fifth grade. Although right-wing elements are few, they have a social base, and some middle forces can also be won over. The first step is for these two forces to gain significant power within the government and the National People’s Congress, establishing a true coalition government. Once the new forces can compete with the Communist Party, contradictions will emerge. These two classes can be leveraged because the Communist Party’s policies and socialism have harmed their economic interests. In a backward country, this part of the population is also relatively strong. This is my view, so I discussed it with Zhang Bojun, and he supported me. I became a representative of this force. I admit that the final result will be the restoration of capitalism in our country.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

Glorifying Capitalism and Slandering Socialism

“The Soviet Union always says that the U.S. is no good, that it lags in this or that, but in reality, American science and technology are far more advanced than the Soviet Union’s. The living standards of Americans are much higher than those of Soviet citizens.
The U.S. hydrogen bomb is formidable, and it’s likely that the U.S. has at least as many or more than the Soviet Union… If a war breaks out, China will suffer.”
(Yang Sendalai, student of History, Renmin University of China)

“America should be ‘more proactive, even more proactive.’ We can make more concessions to them and avoid constant confrontation. If World War III breaks out, China will lag behind in reaching socialism by at least 20 or 30 years.”
(Pan Junmin, student of Journalism, Renmin University of China)

“To put it simply, I don’t have a clear belief right now, because I feel that, whether it’s capitalism or socialism, it’s the same for the working masses. The workers in capitalist countries don’t seem to suffer more than those in socialist countries. Otherwise, why wouldn’t American workers choose the socialist path? Do they really lack ‘awareness’?”
(Li De, student of Philosophy, Renmin University of China)

“Electricity production and workers’ living standards in the U.S. are both higher than in the Soviet Union. If workers’ living standards are high, there won’t be a workers’ revolution.
I’ve also been thinking about capitalism. Could capitalism coexist and transition into socialism?”
(Du Shuyun, graduate student of Marxist-Leninist Studies, Renmin University of China)

“American science is very advanced. Steel production in the U.S. is twice that of the Soviet Union, and its naval tonnage is also greater. Why, after 1960, have some Soviet industries and sciences failed to keep pace with the U.S.? When comparing our country’s achievements with others, we don’t seem to be doing much. When I see our country’s achievements in films, I think of how much greater the achievements of other countries are. In science, the U.S. has made greater contributions. For instance, our First Automobile Works only produces a little more than one car a year, and even the raw materials are insufficient.”
(Li Xida, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“America is better than the Soviet Union. American science is more advanced than Soviet science. Even when combining the steel production of the Soviet Union and other democratic countries, it is still less than that of the U.S. In fact, the Soviet Union is not as good as the U.S.”
(Zhai Rangguo, Beijing Mining Institute)

“Since the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, it has become increasingly clear that the Soviet Union exaggerated its achievements in the past. Some of the statistics were false. The U.S. isn’t just sitting around doing nothing—their labor productivity has improved rapidly. Some Soviet industrial products are not as good as American ones. In some respects, the U.S. surpasses the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union focused on developing heavy industry, so its light industry lags behind.”
(Luo Dianjia, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Soviet science and technology are not necessarily superior to those of capitalist countries. Some of it is just boasting. The U.S. produces 100 million tons of steel, while the Soviet Union produces less than 50 million tons. Scientifically and industrially, the U.S. has surpassed the Soviet Union.”
(Beijing Mining Institute, student)

“America has freedom, and people live well. There’s freedom of thought, something the Soviet Union would never dare to compete with America on. People are saying that the Communist Party cannot take hold in America, and Americans will never rise up to revolt. America has developed many new weapons, and we simply cannot match them.”
(An assistant from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“In the era of imperialism, development cannot occur without crises. But why has America developed so much in fields like missiles and electronic computers compared to the Soviet Union? Development can’t be measured by multiples. Our country was backward to begin with, so naturally, we can grow by several times. But America was already advanced, so even if they don’t grow by multiples, their progress is still far greater than ours.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Why didn’t the Hungarian incident happen in America? Where is our socialist democracy? In what ways do we have more democracy than America? There’s nothing wrong with capitalism. They say America is bad, but that’s just propaganda. I won’t believe it until I see it for myself.”
(A student from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Capitalism may have its flaws, but over the centuries, it has produced many world-renowned scientists. Think of Galileo, Copernicus, the Curies, Newton, Darwin, Marx, Einstein, Franklin, and Edison. These individuals, through their own efforts, reached the pinnacle of scientific achievement and gained worldwide fame. In the forty years since the establishment of the Soviet Union, how many world-renowned scientists have they produced? And in the field of literature, how many Soviet writers can match Shakespeare, Tolstoy, Balzac, or Cao Xueqin? Pavlov and Michurin may be world-famous, but they were products of Tsarist Russia, not the Soviet Union.”
(Cao Juemin, Lanzhou University)

“If socialism is superior, why haven’t we produced great scientists and talents? Socialist countries do not produce talent. The Soviet Union has no Einstein… In capitalist countries, people in their twenties can become professors. For instance, Li Zhengdao and Yang Zhenning made groundbreaking discoveries that shocked the world because they were in America.”
(Wang Ge, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Socialism is supposed to have been realized, but when you look at certain things, it’s not necessarily better than capitalism. For example, state-owned stores are not as good as public-private partnerships.”
“I resonate with the criticism of ‘chaos in the agricultural cooperative system.’ The push for collectivization was too fast and too rushed.”
(Jin Dayong, Library of the Workers-Peasant Accelerated Middle School, Renmin University of China)

“Capitalism has its merits. They have freedom of the press, freedom, and democracy. They have an advanced and effective system for scientific research and efficient economic management. The Labour Party in Britain and the Congress Party in India are also socialist.”
(A lecturer from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“I hope for a form of socialism in China that includes the democracy and freedoms of the bourgeoisie, with a certain proportion of economic competition under public ownership.”
(An assistant from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Free competition has its obvious advantages, such as democratizing production management, which promotes continuous improvements in management methods and styles. The year-end bonus system encourages alignment between personal or collective interests and national interests. Free competition also objectively regulates production, especially the production of consumer goods.”
(An assistant from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“The capitalist mode of production has a self-purifying function, which can prevent bureaucratism. Capitalists compete to produce better and cheaper products, saving raw materials and lowering costs, which increases productivity. Every decision is made with the consumer’s opinion in mind… The bourgeoisie is indeed very considerate of the masses’ needs, and we cannot blindly dismiss this.”
(An assistant from Beijing Institute of Aeronautics)

“Socialism has economic freedom, where everyone gets their due, and material life is not an issue. However, politically, there is no ‘freedom.’ Different opinions are not allowed. In capitalist countries, there is no economic freedom, but political freedom exists. The Communist Party can openly hold activities and meetings.”
(Zhao Riyue, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“In capitalist countries, as the level of production rises, it will never cause the standard of living for the working class to decline. As production develops, some standards rise, some remain the same, and some fall. But overall, the standard of living improves. The theory of absolute impoverishment has issues and cannot be understood mechanically. When Marx formulated this theory, he did not account for political factors. In reality, workers’ strikes for higher wages force capitalists to increase workers’ pay. The idea that higher production leads to lower living standards (in capitalist countries) is not a universal rule. For instance, in Britain and America, the general standard of living has not continuously declined. If that were the case, the workers would have all died out by now.”
(Zhang Wenyue, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“The section on imperialism in political economy textbooks needs to be revised. Today, all capitalist countries are automating, and productivity is growing rapidly. The cyclical nature of crises has clearly changed. The original theories (Marxist-Leninist) can no longer explain the situation. Today, life in the U.S. continues to improve, and the theory of the proletariat’s impoverishment has no universal significance. The section on imperialism (in political economy) needs to be reevaluated based on new conditions. Even the U.S. Communist Party has pointed out that workers’ wages are not constantly declining. We simply lack sufficient data. If possible, I would be willing to go to the U.S. to collect data.”
(Wang Ge, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“The capitalist system has not been entirely negated by history and still has many merits.”
(Zhang Jingming, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Capitalist countries may have their problems, but they have surplus agricultural products. Socialist countries may be better in many ways, but they don’t have surplus agricultural products. I believe that having surplus agricultural products is a sign of superiority.”
(Chen Shuqing, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“West Germany and Japan suffered great losses during World War II, but their industrial and agricultural development was rapid. Is socialist development superior to capitalist development? Are the people’s living standards higher in socialist countries? I have my doubts.”
(Wang Wenqing, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Lenin’s theory of imperialism is no longer suitable for today’s situation and cannot solve current problems. We’ve always said that a capitalist economic crisis is imminent, but it still hasn’t arrived. Doesn’t this prove that our theory has failed?”
“Despite the severe collapse of West Germany and Japan’s industries, they have recovered and developed rapidly. The absolute increase in U.S. industrial production has also been significant, so capitalism still has potential.”
“There are four modes of economic development: the Anglo-American model, the Indian model, the Yugoslav model, and the socialist model.”
“John Maynard Keynes realized that the cause of capitalist economic crises was overproduction and insufficient worker consumption, so he proposed that the state should guide private investment through planning and increase workers’ wages, which could resolve the economic contradictions in Britain and America.”
“Capitalist competition drives scientific progress. Writers who don’t produce work won’t have food to eat, and industrial products that are too expensive won’t sell. This forces capitalists to improve production, adopt new technologies, and practice cost-saving measures.”
“…Socialism doesn’t allow private investment, and cadres have spent all the money. Socialism relies solely on state investment, which appears larger than in capitalist countries. However, capitalist countries allow private investment, which may seem smaller on the surface, but in reality, there is an unaccounted-for force at work.”
“American workers live better than Chinese workers.”
(Chen Shuqing, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“Capitalism isn’t perfect, but there are some aspects that are good and cannot be completely denied. Capitalism has high productivity, which is an advantage. When capitalists get rich, workers also benefit.”
(Hu Youwan, Beijing Mining Institute)

“Cutting off the economic laws of capitalism doesn’t necessarily make other countries poor. Instead, capitalist countries like the U.S. help underdeveloped countries, such as America’s aid to India.”
(Li Guochang, Beijing Mining Institute)

“We’re always hearing about how terrible capitalism is, but if it’s really that bad, wouldn’t it have collapsed by now?”
(Zhao Zuoye, graduate student of Marxist-Leninist Studies, Renmin University of China)

“While I was studying in Germany, the landlady’s son-in-law was a radio technician. She took me to his house, and I saw that his life was quite good. He lived in a small house with carpets and spacious rooms. I also saw the lives of former unemployed workers. They were able to receive unemployment benefits from the government, and their spouses would do odd jobs. Life wasn’t bad at all, so I feel that the capitalist system isn’t so bad.”
“After Germany lost World War I, it had to pay reparations, and the Mark plummeted. But capitalists and landlords used their own factories and land rents to stabilize the currency, and they maintained the scientific infrastructure. Capitalists also spent money on book publishing and the development of science, proving that capitalists can be quite patriotic.”
(Zhu Yubi, Hubei Medical University)

“From Lin’s (Lin Xiling) speech, it’s clear that she longs for a perfect, flawless society, but real life will inevitably disappoint her.”
(Zhang Qishun, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Economy, Renmin University of China)

“…I shouldn’t let politics enter my mind, nor should I let the outside world disrupt my inner balance. I want politics, but for the future.”
(Li De, student of Philosophy, Renmin University of China)

“I’m not sure if socialism is better or if capitalism is. People say capitalism is bad, so why does it still exist?
Can capitalism make workers’ lives better? Right now, capitalist production levels are high, and capitalists make a lot of money, but they can’t take it to the grave with them. If capitalists were a little smarter and exploited workers less, the workers’ living standards would improve. That’s why strikes in capitalist countries are decreasing.
Unemployed workers in capitalist countries still dress well and use good things.
I agree with He An’s view that public ownership in socialism is untouchable, but no one can just eat from it. People must work to eat.
Capitalist workers probably live better than our professors.
There are many things I am dissatisfied with, such as rude police attitudes and the high prices of goods.”
(Wang Xianwen, student of Philosophy, Renmin University of China)

“…War and peace are the same to me. A cannonball flying through the air and a bird soaring through the sky both bring me the same joy! War, you are the driving force of human progress! War, you bring the people the hope of peace, but you also foster dictatorship. Peace, you lead people toward corruption!”
(Li De, student of Philosophy, Renmin University of China)

“In another world, capitalism is not standing still either; it is changing. Regarding U.S. foreign aid, we used to believe that for every dollar given, they expected ten, twenty, or thirty dollars in return, and we rejected it, assuming their intentions were bad. But I think that’s not always the case. For instance, $60 billion in aid has been spent, and at least $4 to $6 billion doesn’t need to be repaid. The U.S. has signed atomic energy cooperation agreements with more than 30 countries. In its foreign policy regarding Egypt, the U.S. has made significant concessions.
We know very little about the ‘people’s capitalism’ being practiced within the U.S. and sometimes blindly criticize it. For example, the U.S. voluntarily withdrew from East and West Germany and demobilized more than 100,000 soldiers.”
“Now, many workers own stocks in Ford Motor Company. In capitalist countries, people can buy furniture or cars on credit and repay them over a hundred years. People’s lives in capitalist countries are good, and they won’t revolt.
When discussing freedom of speech and press, it’s always said that socialism is too restrictive and not as free as capitalist countries. ‘France is the freest and most democratic country,’ and Western Europe has material civilization… Globalism and worldwide communism are both forms of world unity, just with different leadership.
American national income is high, and their military expenditure is less than ours.”
“Neutral countries have made significant progress. For example, India has proposed to establish socialism. We didn’t believe it at first, but they weren’t joking, and they are working hard at it, achieving some success. Some capitalist countries, like Japan, Myanmar, and Egypt, have carried out land reforms, and India is also implementing land reform.”
(Chen Qiumin, student of Law, Renmin University of China)

“The reorganization of the Soviet economy shows that the system is flawed. If the system were good, why would it need to be reorganized? The issue is not just the ‘three harms’; the problem lies in the need for the Party and government to change the political system and strengthen it. The world is currently undergoing changes—this is true for China and for the Soviet Union. The recent anti-Party incident in the Soviet Union is not surprising.”
(Song Yabin, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“1. In today’s society, talents cannot fully realize their potential, not even as well as in a capitalist society.
2. Today’s society has made me more cunning. As long as I don’t become a traitor to my country in the future, I’ll be fine.
3. Only in capitalist countries can one find a truly happy life.
4. Our military expenses account for 40% of the budget.”
(Kong Qingchuan, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“The environment here is worse than going to Hong Kong to shine shoes.”
(Deng Keyi, Beijing Mining Institute)

“We reward advanced workers, inventors, and role models in the same way that capitalist countries use money to buy people off.”
(Yang Xixu, Sun Yat-sen University)

“The slogan calling for middle school students to return to production is a beautiful one, but what does it mean in practice? In the countryside, it’s hard to even guarantee three meals a day. In industry, if you manage to feed yourself, it’s still not enough to support a family. Given the current trajectory of development, achieving communism seems like an empty promise. Revolution, industrial construction, and collectivization have not solved China’s social problems.”
(Jiang Jiliang, student of History, Renmin University of China)

“The socialist system hinders free competition and limits individual talent. Free competition is beneficial, as it creates a sense of urgency and drives progress.”
(Zhang Jingming, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“I’ve lived through four regimes—Japan’s puppet regime, Zhang Zuolin, Chiang Kai-shek, and now this one—but this society is far too dark.”
“The puppet Manchukuo period was better.”
“Under the previous regime (the old rulers—editor’s note), you could be beaten or scolded, but at least it was straightforward. Now, under the new regime (editor’s note), everything is too polite, to the point where it’s unbearable.”
“The number of people with high blood pressure and mental illnesses has increased dramatically in this society, and it’s not just because of a few Party members—it’s due to some underlying social factors.”
(Wang Tianyi, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“My ideal country would combine the democracy of Britain and France, the economy of the Soviet Union, the science and technology of America and Germany, the arts of China, and the classical philosophy, ethics, and national character of China (hardworking and humble).”
(Zhao Riyue, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

“The current system is not necessarily the best system. Perhaps 200 years from now, people will reject it, and history will prove it. Lin Xiling’s points should be studied—there might be institutional reforms in the future. In the past few decades, China and the Soviet Union have made little progress in philosophy or politics, and things have become rigid. No one dares to propose political or institutional reforms. If you look at current political economy textbooks, they’re the same as those from decades ago. No one is working on this, and they don’t even have the materials to do so.
Under socialism, more and more lazy people don’t think critically. In capitalism, the threat of unemployment keeps people from being lazy. Here, we have ‘iron rice bowls,’ so the number of lazy people increases and they are protected.”
(Zhang Efang, Beijing Iron and Steel Institute)

“Communism is a fantasy, repeated generation after generation, with no clear idea of when it will be realized. Don’t speak of communism too highly—there may be a system even more advanced than it. Imperialism isn’t necessarily that bad; they also talk about a better society in the future.”
(Li Guochang, Beijing Mining Institute)

After visiting an exhibition on counterrevolutionary crimes, Yin Xiaosong told his classmate Zhu Shouguo:
“The things in here (referring to counter revolutionary leaflets, slogans, banners, documents, and programs—editor’s note) reflect reality and are easy for people to accept, whereas our current literature does not reflect reality.”
He also didn’t believe in the People’s Daily, saying:
“Once news is processed by the newspaper, it becomes unreliable. I’ll only believe what I see with my own eyes.”
However, when the People’s Daily published the anti-Party, anti-socialist speeches of Ge Peiqi, Zhang Bojun, and Chu Anping, he praised them greatly, saying:
“Ge Peiqi is bold and courageous.”
(Materials from Yin Xiaosong, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

3. Slandering the New Society by Claiming it Produces a “New Aristocracy” and “New Class”

“Aristocratization – Bureaucratization“
(The aristocratization of material life is the deep-rooted cause of political bureaucratization.)
“When our country celebrates the elimination of classes and class exploitation, people cannot help but notice the emergence of a new aristocracy. They are the ones enjoying all the privileges—intellectuals and generals. Have these people already formed a new class? I’m not sure, but they have certainly become aristocratic in material terms. There are more and more cars, wages are increasing, perks are growing, and buildings are getting taller… Apart from the fact that they don’t own private means of production, how are they different from real aristocrats?
If society only had these people, then we wouldn’t be talking about aristocrats. But in reality, what about the peasants, students, and ordinary workers?
How many peasants still struggle without enough food or stable housing? Each person gets just one pound of grain with the husk every day. Let me ask you, we were born into privilege—if you were given just one pound of grain every day, would your stomach be satisfied? And remember, peasants have to work in the fields! How much has peasant life really improved over these past few years?
Reality cannot be whitewashed. In the first few years after land reform, the countryside truly saw every family with rice and surplus grain, a flourishing scene like the prosperous Tang Dynasty. But in recent years, peasant life has become more and more strained—they harvest grain but can’t eat enough, plant soybeans but have no tofu to eat, plant peanuts but have no oil, pick apples but have no apples to eat…
A beautiful vision of the future cannot replace the resolution of real problems.

Here is a breakdown of income distribution:

Impoverished peasants: 32
Average peasants: 100
Average workers: 200–400
Average cadres: 200–400–600
Middle-ranking cadres and senior cadres: 800–1000–1200
Central ministers and above: 1600–2000–2500–3000 to 3200

Some may say that socialism distributes according to labor, and those who earn more do so because they work harder. But that’s not entirely true. Let me ask: how do we calculate labor? How do we convert complex labor into simple labor? Can a minister sitting in an office for eight hours be compared to a peasant working from dawn until dusk for ten to twenty days? If not, then explaining the massive wage gap as distribution according to labor is one-sided.
A certain level of wage disparity is reasonable in society, but the aristocratization of some people due to this disparity is not. Aristocratization inevitably leads to bureaucratization.
The concepts of wealth and poverty, which are economically opposed, will inevitably play a role in all political life. It is only natural that a family living in a multi-story building would forget the hardship of those living in open-air shacks, or that someone driving a car would forget the difficulties of walking on foot. When someone sitting in front of an electric fan still complains of heat, how can they understand the farmer’s heart, ‘boiling like soup’?
Sharing both the good times and the hardships should be the principle for handling real life, not just a moral slogan. But right now, it’s more about sharing the good than sharing the hardship!
If communists want to change reality, they must first have the courage to change themselves.”
(Wu Bian, student of Journalism, Renmin University of China)

“Now, the hierarchical system is worse than in feudal times, creating a new privileged class. The Party is degenerating, and its decline is inevitable.”
“Ruling classes throughout history share a common trait—when they become the rulers, they exhibit limitations and backwardness. The Chinese Communist Party is no exception.”
(Tang Lian, student of Industrial Economics, Renmin University of China)

“Some high-ranking Party cadres have already become bureaucratic aristocrats, forming a new class. Some say ‘the Party officials are aristocrats,’ and while that may be too absolute, it is undeniable that some cadres are truly unreasonable.
High officials receive high salaries, but you can’t tell how much labor they’ve actually contributed—many have secretaries doing their work for them, and they just follow orders from the central government, making a few speeches and reading reports, often without thinking deeply. Yet all the honor and rewards belong to them. They live in houses with over twenty rooms, just like an old mansion, and ride around in small cars.
Their official monthly salary might be 300 yuan, but in reality, it adds up to more than 1,000 yuan. Meanwhile, a peasant earns only a few dozen yuan a year. Comparing them to peasants is like comparing heaven and earth.
Workers have no housing, peasants live hard lives, but these officials enjoy privileges, sitting high above and issuing commands. Those with skills can’t rise up, so when you think carefully, it’s not wrong to call them bureaucratic aristocrats.”
(Zhang Dianhong, student of Law, Renmin University of China)

“High-ranking Communist Party cadres have become corrupt and decadent. They earn so much, and ride around in small cars. Even their children have become new aristocrats. The current state institutions are all bureaucratic.
Everything is organized by rank—if you’re ranked higher, you get to enjoy more. Job transfers and ranks are unreasonable; they should be based on the actual work of each individual.”
(Zhang Jingming, Beijing University of Political Science and Law)

Now let’s talk about ordinary intellectuals. Wang Zonghai, a staff member in the library, has been working for quite a long time, but because he is not a Party or Youth League member, he is labeled as ‘backward’ by sectarians. He earns a salary of 70 yuan, supporting a family of seven, all cramped into one room. Recently, I happened to chat with him, and here’s a direct quote from our conversation:

‘How old are you this year, Wang Zonghai, thirty…?’
‘I’m thirty-five…’
‘Thirty-five? You look older than thirty-five! Is it because of life? No nutrition?’
‘There’s nothing I can do… This month I’ve been eating pickled vegetables every day, nothing else…’

At that point, I couldn’t bear to listen anymore. Today, I saw in the People’s Daily that someone revealed that Li Xin once received a 800-yuan living ‘allowance.’ It reminded me of my colleague Wang Zonghai, and it made me hate Li Xin even more. It’s just so unfair, there’s no camaraderie, no human warmth!
As far as I know, wasn’t Li Xin the one who used to educate young people? I don’t understand, are these Communist Party members eliminating class distinctions or creating new ones?”
(Wang Yihua, Renmin University Library)

“After the People’s Daily editorial ‘Why is this happening?’ was published recently, those who called me neurotic didn’t stop to check if they themselves were mentally sound. It’s like during the anti-reactionary campaign when they rushed to find 5% ‘counter-revolutionaries,’ as if they had seen a wild beast invading Peking University, shouting ‘counter-revolutionary!’ ‘anti-socialist!’ Those with highly weakened nerves lose their composure at the mere mention of ‘class’ and say, ‘This is enlarging contradictions, transforming contradictions.’ Ah, dear reader, how can contradictions grow just because I think so? If that were true, I could shout about the social contradictions of imperialist production and private ownership, and then the contradictions between capitalists and workers in Britain, the U.S., and France would intensify, causing capitalism to collapse immediately without the need for worker struggles or the world peace movement’s support!
I believe objective reality doesn’t change because of differing perceptions; otherwise, that’s anti-Marxist. It would be ‘Marxism’ in name only, with a false core.”

“Returning to the main point, let me write down the primary arguments, starting from Lenin’s definition of class and applying it to our current reality:

The means of production are primarily in the hands of military and political leaders, not in the hands of the masses. A worker has no say in production.
The distribution is unequal. There are those who receive rewards that are disproportionate to their labor (otherwise, why would wage reforms be needed?). The excess received can be called exploitation.
Social status (as seen in the newspapers): from trivial matters of daily life to political privileges, we can only shout ‘Long live’ and not ‘Long live the second rank!’ We can only refer to ‘ranks,’ not ‘titles.’ There is a gap between written rules, spoken words, and actual practice.
Lack of trust in the people. For example, when dealing with public complaints, why was Secretary Cui so cold and dismissive? Does that show trust in the people or belief in their ability to discern right from wrong? Why use four people to monitor a citizen overnight, like killing a chicken with a bull knife? Is this trust?”
(Qian Ruping, Peking University)

“Zhou Huojue’s theory about the emerging ruling class is worth considering. He wrote: ‘Lenin’s definition of class is as follows: classes are large groups of people that differ in their position within a historically determined system of social production, in their relation to the means of production, in their role in the organization of social labor, and therefore in the share of social wealth they control and how they manage it.’ Now we see that leaders fully meet these conditions:

They occupy leadership positions within the system of production and do not engage in production activities themselves but instead gain economic advantages through management.
In relation to production, they are the managers of the means of production.
They occupy positions of power in the labor organization, controlling people in the most active way.
The leaders form an organized group.

According to Zhou Huojue, the main internal contradiction among the people now is the contradiction between leaders and the masses, which has the nature of a class contradiction. I think this is an attempt to apply Marxist class analysis.”
(Tan Tianrong, Peking University)

“Since the thorough victory of land reform and the subsequent transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, the old class relations have been shattered. From a theoretical perspective, classes have been largely eliminated in our country. The conservatives haven’t realized that in 1957, our theory lags far behind reality, yet they remain content, loudly shouting ‘Long live socialism!’ and ‘Long live Marxism-Leninism!’ How is this different from the wishful thinking of Buddhists praying for the Buddha to live for a thousand years?
With the elimination of the old classes, new classes have emerged. Naturally, these new classes are different from the old ones and have unique characteristics. Roughly speaking, they can be summarized as follows:

The relationship to the means of production is different from that of the capitalist class. It is more dispersed now. The political, military, and governmental leaders who hold power represent a very small proportion of the population, and they collectively own the means of production under the banner of ‘ownership by the whole people.’ This is not immediately clear, but if you examine distribution relations, it becomes more evident.
Distribution: high-ranking central cadres earn over 500 yuan per month, while ordinary workers earn between 40 and 60 yuan—a disparity of more than tenfold. From what I know, even in economically backward China, the middle bourgeoisie did not have such large net incomes because most of their profits had to be reinvested into production. Many middle-class capitalists had total capital of only around 2,000 yuan. Therefore, even though the form is not one of exploitation, the essence is.”

After the thorough victory of land reform and the subsequent transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, the old class relations were shattered. Thus, from the current theoretical perspective, our country has basically eliminated class distinctions. Yet the guardians of orthodoxy have not realized that, in 1957, our theory has significantly fallen behind practice. Meanwhile, they are content, shouting slogans like “Long live socialism!” and “Long live Marxism-Leninism!” How is this any different from the wishful thinking of Buddhists praying for the Buddha to live for a thousand years?
With the elimination of the old classes, new classes have emerged. Naturally, they are different from the old classes, but they have unique characteristics. Here are a few points to consider:

Ownership of the Means of Production: The current ownership is different from that of the bourgeoisie; it is more dispersed. Those in power—political, military, and governmental leaders—constitute a very small proportion of the population, and they collectively own the means of production under the banner of “ownership by the whole people.” This is not immediately clear, but if you look at distribution relations, it becomes more evident.
Distribution: High-ranking central cadres earn more than 500 yuan per month, while ordinary workers earn between 40 and 60 yuan—a difference of over tenfold. From what I know, even in economically backward China, the middle bourgeoisie did not enjoy such large net incomes, because most capitalists had to reinvest the majority of their profits into production. Many middle-class capitalists only had total capital of around 2,000 yuan. Therefore, although the form does not resemble exploitation, in substance, it does.
Labor and Exchange: We must ask whether such a huge disparity complies with the principle of equal exchange for social labor. I don’t think so. The disparity is merely a result of those in power—leaders interested in material enjoyment—setting the rules for themselves. In a society with such low productivity, if there wasn’t unequal exchange, how could there be such an 800-fold difference in earnings? Can you really imagine: in a backward production environment, can one person create that much wealth? Can Mao Zedong’s labor be worth that much more? If you ask all the peasants, I doubt they’d agree.
Social Status: Although the constitution nominally provides for the equality of all citizens, in daily life, all kinds of privileges (whether in work, study, recreation, dining, etc.) are based on rank. This inequality is obvious. A minor Party secretary can scold people and escalate conflicts without consequence, even applying corporal punishment. How is this different from how feudal rulers treated peasants? The only difference is the name and the method!
Mutual Protection: Officials protect each other. It’s clear that a social group has begun to form, consciously supporting and shielding each other, with shared economic, political, and social privileges.
Disguised Subordinates: What used to be called subordinates are now glorified as “messengers,” but in reality, unequal treatment persists. These messengers often use their position to oppress others. Furthermore, the lack of trust in citizens is like a form of surveillance, even worse than any previous era in history. Even the most brutal Nationalist Party’s Sino-American Joint Defense Command had some evidence before arresting people, but today, there’s no regard for human rights. People’s safety is constantly threatened. If you offend the upper-class aristocrats, you can be wrongfully imprisoned for months, with only a vague apology at the end. How is this any different from the exploitation of the ruling class? How can this be called a “happy and beautiful” society? If this is the kind of “socialism” we’re supposed to celebrate, I’d rather risk death than continue living like cattle and horses!
Historical Parallels: In history, figures like Zhu Yuanzhang, after securing victory, would initially unite with the people, gaining their trust, but once success was achieved, he would kick them aside and slaughter his meritorious subjects to consolidate power. The same is happening today—just pick up a newspaper or look into the political circles, and it becomes obvious. Many opportunist politicians force their way into the Party, seeking wealth, power, and privilege, and they end up lording over others.
Marxism-Leninism as a Facade: Marxism-Leninism has become nothing more than a slogan for those in power. In practice, they are guided by another theory altogether. Just like during the failed 1911 Revolution, if this reality continues, I believe the revolution will fail. Unless there is a drastic reversal of the current trends, the revolution will be aborted.
In the past few years, the income of workers and peasants has barely increased. They only manage to scrape by without starving.
Capitalism is unjust, and I oppose it, but I believe the current system is also far from perfect. It needs to be changed. The true representatives of the working people, the real people’s leaders, should share in the hardships of the people and respect their great dignity. They are the masters of history, and those who hide behind fake socialism should step down.
The new class contradictions are different from the old ones and can be resolved peacefully through the pressure of the masses. But if necessary, violence could be used when things become beyond remedy.
We need to fundamentally change the current system and establish a legal framework that guarantees the freedom and democracy of the people. We must oppose hypocrisy, the deception of the masses, propaganda, the spread of idealism, and the existence of a privileged class. We must stop the unjust killings and imprisonments of innocent people. We must oppose the new forms of class oppression. People should observe the world with their own eyes, listen to the joys and sorrows of the people with their own ears, and remove the bad while fostering the good. If there is a group that insists on going against social progress and the will of the people, I believe the people will rise up and defeat them. Long live the true creators of history—workers and intellectuals! Those who stubbornly oppose historical progress must step down!”
(Qian Ruping, Peking University)

“We have had preliminary discussions on how to improve the leadership of the government and the Party’s position:

Revolutionaries should ‘worry about the people first, and enjoy happiness after the people.’ It is suggested that Party members and government officials donate part of their salaries to the organization as social funds, thus making their actual income lower than their peers. Currently, the opposite is true, which does not reflect the spirit of revolution and instead encourages an insatiable desire for material enjoyment.
Except for comrades with particularly outstanding qualities, leaders should be re-elected every three or four years. The elections should select typical role models from the masses, ensuring they do not lose touch with the people, while a few experienced individuals can provide guidance. This will help improve administrative work.
The phrase ‘internal contradictions among the people’ is too abstract. We should acknowledge that there is an economic basis for the contradictions related to distribution and social status. These contradictions are not yet sharp but could develop further, fulfilling the definition of ‘class’ relations.”

“Therefore, to face reality and give importance to this issue, it is necessary to point out that the new ‘class’ has a certain practical significance. It cannot be glossed over with vague phrases like ‘contradictions among the people.’ To resolve this, it must be addressed both economically and politically; everything else is secondary.”
(Tan Qianru, Peking University)

“In our society, there is a class that enjoys special privileges everywhere. Construction workers build so many houses, but they themselves can only live in huts. All the privileged ones are cadres. Senior intellectuals eat well, and the gap between them and ordinary people is too wide. No one today dares to write poetry reflecting this phenomenon, which makes me feel frustrated and doubtful. I know the Party looks after senior intellectuals for long-term benefits, but emotionally, I can’t accept it. The article ‘Class Society’s Hierarchical System’ in Tánlùn (Discussions) speaks to me; it says things I don’t dare to say. Of course, in essence, I am different from it.”
(Zuo Yandong, Peking University)

“At Yucai Elementary School, all the students are the children of high-ranking Party cadres. Their fathers are Party members, their mothers are Party members, and they will certainly become Party members themselves. This is creating a new aristocratic class.”
(Dong Meikan, Sun Yat-sen University)

4. Slandering the New Society as Having a “Hierarchical System”

“An Epitaph for the ‘Rank-Obsessed’“
“A tribute: simply because they have been idle all day, with no other thoughts in their hearts, they made a lifelong vow to create a new theory of hierarchy.
Here they are, gazing upon some respectable figures with closed eyes. These individuals truly embody the soul of Chinese feudalistic thought—the proud descendants of Confucius. They may have begun their work in Confucius’ tradition rather late, but they have been exceedingly loyal and diligent, working tirelessly until their last breath. They want to build a long ladder, which, they say, can help lead to socialism. Whether this is true, we don’t know, but one thing is certain: they climb from one rung to the next, clawing their way up, higher and higher. They imagine China has about 600 million people, and although this ideal hasn’t been realized, they have made considerable progress, creating countless strange and bizarre ranks. They wield a weapon like the Monkey King’s golden staff, which they use against egalitarianism…”
(A student from the Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

“The state’s material treatment of high-ranking cadres does not adhere to the principle of distribution according to labor. The senior cadres have become privileged and aristocratic.”
“This extends into all aspects of life—clothing, food, housing, and transportation—and is far removed from the current living standards of the people, creating a hierarchical system.”
(Bai Sha, graduate student in Marxism-Leninism Studies, Renmin University of China)

“The school treats cadres and young students unequally: students live in single-story houses, while cadres live in high-rise buildings.”
“The Journalism Department (paid students) are landlords, the Economics Department (those transferred from jobs) are rich peasants, and we are the poor peasants.”
(Yang Wenji, Philosophy Department, Renmin University of China)

“There needs to be a narrowing of the salary gap between high-ranking and ordinary cadres, and a decisive reduction in military officers’ salaries. They do not create social wealth, and while it’s appropriate to raise their salaries during wartime, in peacetime, they live comfortably and become afraid of death, unwilling to go to the battlefield.”
“The privileges created by hierarchy, such as exclusive cafeterias for high-ranking cadres, nurseries, cinemas, etc., alienate them from the people and corrupt their thinking. If Li Xin were not a minister, he would never have received a 700-yuan subsidy. This leads to detachment from the masses and ideological decay. There’s an invisible force pushing people to climb upward.”
(Xie Dejun, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“The hierarchical system, whether it exists or not, has its harm. The old term has taken on new content. I doubt whether true equality exists today. Politically, there is equality, but economically, there is still great inequality. Workers, peasants, and soldiers put in the effort, but their lives are very poor. Peasants make 20 to 30 yuan a year, while high-level officials earn several hundred yuan. How can this be considered comradeship?”
(Shu Hongtao, Planning Department student, Renmin University of China)

5. Slandering Relationships in the New Society

“Why have relationships between people become like this? This is related to the Party’s policies. I am dissatisfied with interpersonal relationships. People don’t recognize each other anymore—’even close relatives don’t acknowledge each other.’ I feel that relationships among comrades are abnormal. There is a lack of sincerity, not only between general comrades but also between Party members, and even between Party members and their spouses. Party members act one way with their comrades, and another way in meetings with the organization. The principles of friendship should be that you treat your friends the way you treat yourself. Politics should not prevent human contact.”
(Cai Da, assistant instructor at the Russian Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

“Everyone wears a mask between one another, showing one face in public and another behind the scenes. Life is really dull nowadays—the only person I can speak my true feelings to is my wife, though sometimes not even her. As long as I have my wife with me, it doesn’t matter where I work, because everywhere else is cold and distant.”
(Gu Wei, lecturer at the Department of Agricultural Economics, Renmin University of China)

“China is strong, but it still has many festering sores that haven’t been uncovered. Nowadays, there is no warmth between people, and it’s the system that guarantees people work together. People are afraid to speak honestly, which leads to mutual suspicion. Even when speaking, everyone has to consider whether their words will be used against them.”
(Yu Guoliang, Journalism Department student, Renmin University of China)

“What’s maddening is why the spirit of personal favors and backdoor dealings has drowned out the friendship among comrades. Favor-seeking and cliques have become common, while those who speak timidly to please others are seen as ‘not striving for advancement,’ and being ‘down-to-earth’ is now synonymous with being uninspired. Why have petty officials become favored, while honest people are left out in the cold? Why, in the eyes of some leaders, is everything that shines considered gold? Why are grand speeches and lukewarm attitudes seen as criteria for Party membership? Why, in society today, do some people envy others’ achievements out of jealousy, while in the highest academic institutions, unskilled individuals are promoted to lecturer and professor?”
“We need to unravel the confusion and restore the warmth and friendship between comrades.”
(Xu Jing’an, translator at the Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“Nowadays, there is no trust between people, and the Communist Party is responsible for this. Young people are more depressed than before the liberation, and the Communist Party intentionally creates mutual attacks among people.”
(Huang Jizhong, South China Institute of Mining and Metallurgy)

“In the past, on the surface, everything seemed peaceful, but in reality, there was a strong undercurrent of thought. In the old society, relationships between people were hypocritical, but after the anti-reactionary campaign, everyone met and spoke only in terms of Marxism and dialectical materialism, without expressing their true feelings. Even between me and my son, we sometimes don’t speak honestly for fear of criticism. This is very dangerous. Only now are people starting to speak the truth. For example, regarding the issue of the relocation of Jiaotong University, it used to be that everyone said they were willing to move and serve the greater good. But this year, during meetings about how to move, within three days, the entire consensus was overturned. Luckily, a light breeze has ‘rippled the spring waters,’ otherwise, if this continued long-term, it would be unbearable!”
(Professor Meng Zhaoying, Tsinghua University)

“There is no real friendship or camaraderie between people. The sky may be vast, the land may be boundless, but only the human heart is unpredictable.”
(Cao Enbang, Northeast Forestry College)

6. Slandering the Cult of Personality as a Product of the Socialist System

“What are the fundamental conditions that give rise to and sustain the cult of personality? Is it really, as Zailun says, that ‘the decisive factor is people’s state of mind’? I believe this is, of course, a crucial condition, but we cannot ignore the social foundations that lead to the cult of personality. While this may not directly relate to the fundamental system of the Soviet Union, it certainly has something to do with certain aspects of its social system. If Zailun’s statement holds, wouldn’t that verge on idealism?
Everyone knows that Marxism teaches that history is created by the people, not by any individual hero. It is the circumstances that make the hero, not the hero who creates the circumstances. Marxists should be the most opposed to the cult of personality. Yet the question arises: why, in the first country where Marxism is dominant—the Soviet Union—did the cult of personality reach such extremes, and why did it last for over twenty years? I think this is a question worth serious reflection.”
(Lu, Philosophy Department, Renmin University of China)

“The cult of personality not only extends to leaders but also expands to a worship of the Party. Internationally, it manifests as a worship of the Soviet Union and of Lenin and Stalin.”
“When Party members speak, the masses dare not oppose them, and when the leaders speak, the people dare not dissent.”
(Deng Xianfu, Finance Department, Renmin University of China)

“The cult of personality is a result of the socialist system, which hinders the development of productive forces.”
(Dai Daxiao, Philosophy Department, Renmin University of China)

“We must resolutely carry out the fight against the cult of personality. This struggle should be one of the main focuses of the rectification campaign. We must thoroughly criticize those who claim that there is no cult of personality in China or that the cult of personality is not serious.”
(Zhong Ronghua, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Tragedy of Stalin is a Social Tragedy“
“The tragedy of Stalin is, of course, a social tragedy. If we try to explain it by saying that Lenin didn’t make mistakes under similar conditions, I cannot accept that. Delving too much into Stalin’s personal qualities isn’t of much benefit. We must acknowledge that while Lenin and Stalin’s objective conditions may seem similar on the surface, they were fundamentally different. Lenin was at the forefront of a difficult revolutionary struggle, closely tied to the people’s fate, and he represented the people’s interests. He was naturally a man ahead of his time. After the success of the socialist revolution, society continued to progress, but due to the limitations of socialist productive forces, the principle of material distribution could only be ‘from each according to their ability,’ and social material life remained unequal, inevitably creating contradictions.
In the midst of these internal contradictions, as mentioned before, the leaders find themselves in a passive position. The objective environment prevents them from fully representing the people’s demands, and they cannot avoid making mistakes. Having one person lead a social movement for thirty years inevitably leads to errors.”
(Chen Bingqin, Beijing Agricultural Mechanization College)

“The Cult of Personality is Unavoidable“
“After the events surrounding Stalin in the Soviet Union, Tito and Kardelj claimed that the root of the cult of personality lies in the Soviet social system. In their view, it seems that a state like Yugoslavia would not produce a cult of personality. I think… they got it partly right and partly wrong. They are correct, but not completely, and I disagree with the rest. In my view, a cult of personality exists everywhere in the world. It existed in the past, it exists now, and it will certainly exist in the future. It doesn’t only occur in politics; it also exists in science and art.
As long as there are any groups, classes, or visible and invisible social contradictions related to people, the cult of personality cannot be avoided.
It is impossible to fully eliminate the cult of personality within the same regime or group. If there is a regime change, then the cult of personality may be eliminated, but it may go too far, as seen in how Khrushchev dealt with Stalin or how Mao Zedong treated Chiang Kai-shek.
The criticism and denouncement of the worshiped figure can only happen when that person is dead or removed from power. The former is like Khrushchev’s treatment of Stalin, and the latter is like the Green Forest bandits’ treatment of the ruling authority.
There are two ways to establish a cult of personality under the same regime: one is to exalt the previous worshiped figure, claiming to be their loyal comrade and student, as Stalin did with Lenin. The other is to strike down the previous worshiped figure, as Khrushchev did with Stalin. Neither method can be thorough, as the previous figure’s prestige is often too high.
The only way to completely eliminate the cult of personality is to abolish all groups in the world and establish anarchism.”
(Zhong Liangming, Tongji University)

1. Slandering Various Movements and Denying Their Achievements

“One movement after another, it seems like it never ends. Today, we fight against this group, and tomorrow, we fight against that group. Can’t we use other methods? Regarding the suppression of counterrevolutionaries, I feel it went too far. As for the Party’s counter attacks against the bourgeoisie, I think that in the ‘Three-Anti’ campaign, many people were wrongfully targeted, and the problems weren’t really solved. There was no need to be so harsh. After the campaigns against counter revolutionaries and the purges, I also felt this way—was it really necessary to fight like that? Why do we put up posters and hold large assemblies, treating people like fallen dogs?”
“In the past, the struggle against enemies was reasonable and necessary. But applying the tactics of enemy struggle to internal contradictions among the people is absurd. It must be thoroughly reformed. In my notes, I once wrote an essay titled ‘From the Standpoint of 600 Million People, Reflecting on Liberation.’ It mentioned that the Party’s achievements included: driving out Chiang Kai-shek, land reform, resisting America and aiding Korea, the ‘Five-Anti’ campaign, democratic reforms, grain requisition and distribution, reforming thought, the rectification movement, economic construction, and collectivization. The positive result was that the lives of most people improved, the country stabilized, and production increased. But there were also things that did not align with the interests of the 600 million people:

Political struggles went wrong and went too far, damaging the legal system and democracy during the campaigns.
Thought reform was crude and dogmatic.
Economic construction was subjective and wasteful.
Party members became privileged, and the Party’s fighting spirit weakened, creating a distance between the Party and the people.
Social morality deteriorated, and political opportunism became rampant.
I think these issues are serious, and they are due to a failure to understand the major transformations. What was once good has now become absurd. For example, class struggle was necessary in the past because the enemies were brutal, but now, with fewer enemies, applying the same class struggle formula is ridiculous.”
(Cao Dafu, editor at Renmin University Press)

“The socialist transformation was carried out under an atmosphere of terror. The bourgeoisie had no choice but to give up their assets, and agricultural collectivization was completed under coercion. The peasants didn’t really want it. But everyone feared the Communist Party’s movements—feared the campaign against counter revolutionaries and purges falling on them. Intellectuals were not necessarily inclined towards socialism either. The so-called ‘democrats’ were merely the Communist Party’s puppets. For example, during the declaration for Taiwan’s liberation, the democratic parties signed the document, but in reality, the Communist Party held all the power.”
(Zhou Shaojie, Statistics Department student, Renmin University of China)

“The method of suspending people from their positions for self-reflection during these movements was essentially the same as detention. I believe this is unlawful.”
(Cai Da, assistant instructor at the Russian Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

“Due to the low level of cadres and their lack of understanding of policies during the movements, as well as some cadres’ poor qualities, there were deviations. As for the central policies, I wouldn’t say there were no problems at all. In these movements, many cadres leaned to the left because leaning left was seen as being proactive and stable, while leaning right was seen as backward and reactionary. Under this mistaken view, many people were unjustly wronged.”
(Li Jinming, assistant editor at Renmin University Press)

“The assessment that the achievements of the movements were fundamental and that the shortcomings were unavoidable is at least inaccurate.”
(Jia Zhuo, Trade Department student, Renmin University of China)

“Land reform was the Communist Party’s means of gaining the trust of the peasants, but it was not the goal itself.”
(Ma Xin, assistant instructor at the Archives Department, Renmin University of China)

“1. Land reform was a struggle where people killed people.
2. Between people, there was only struggle, no peace.
3. The Communist Party and the People’s Liberation Army were the most ruthless people.”
(Li De, Philosophy Department student, Renmin University of China)

“The Party’s land reform policy was wrong. Why didn’t they adopt Sun Yat-sen’s land reform policies? I have doubts about the Party’s policy of eliminating landlords physically during land reform. Why did our land reform have to beat landlords to death? Wasn’t that too extreme? The Party has committed great sins.”
(Fang Yanhua, Statistics Department student, Renmin University of China)

“During land reform, the poor saw wealthy people and fought them without regard for policy. What policy was there, anyway? That’s why so many people were killed during land reform.”
“Some landlords who rose through hard work were also fought against!”
(Luo Xuchang, History Department student, Renmin University of China)

“Land reform was just poor peasants and ruffians attacking landlords who had worked hard to build their wealth. The land reform cadres acted like emperors.”
(Ning Shiyou, Beijing Mining Institute)

“In the Northeast, most landlords were wrongly targeted. The struggle against landlords was a violation of personal rights. Land reform was a form of plunder against the peasants. The landlord class has contributed to today’s society because they raised children, some of whom joined the revolution, and some are now attending universities. It’s not just the peasants who were oppressed; the landlords were also oppressed.”
(A student at Beijing Aviation College)

“Land reform involved machine-gunning landlords. Many who should not have been killed were killed.”
(Zhang Jingchen, Beijing College of Political Science and Law)

Regarding the Korean War, Li De said: “China shouldn’t have sent troops so early. The United States had the support of more than ten other countries. The truth was on the side of the U.S.; they had the atomic bomb and were unbeatable. Why didn’t the Soviet Union send troops?”
(Li De, Philosophy Department student, Renmin University of China)

8. On the Fallacies of Party Nature, Human Nature, Individuality, and Class Nature

“The current social system restricts the full development of youth individuality. I have been thinking about this issue. Society will ultimately evolve into one where the free development of every individual becomes a condition for society. This society is already starting to appear before us. Our society has progressed beyond the semi-colonial, semi-feudal stage, but certain phenomena still exist that hinder the full development of youth individuality. These phenomena should be exposed and overcome. Perhaps these are transitional phenomena, but as we young people should recognize them, we must work to overcome them. When I mention the current social system, I refer to the phenomena that still obstruct the development of youth individuality.

As for individuality, I cannot give a complete definition. It should involve the comprehensive development of morality, intelligence, physical fitness, and aesthetics—not a uniform or distorted development. These phenomena exist but do not necessarily prevent some individuals from fully developing their individuality.

The development of a new hierarchy. I use the term ‘hierarchical system’ because I can’t find a more suitable concept to describe the phenomenon of bloated bureaucracies and overlapping layers. This kind of hierarchical system, like a pyramid, impedes the development of individuality. On the one hand, too many layers create a negative impression on children, leading to unhealthy psychological comparisons. I am not advocating for complete equality, but I oppose extreme disparities. This cannot be attributed to the influence of the old society because it reflects the current reality. On the other hand, it suppresses the vitality of new forces. For example, in one case, a student requested to recuperate at the Asian Student Sanatorium. He wrote to a democratic figure, who passed the request to the relevant authorities. However, the response treated the democratic figure as the one asking for treatment. Some talented people have their requests delayed or pushed back, creating suppression of new forces. Many youth demands are not resolved in time, and their requests are delayed for a long time without resolution. The way the work of Li Xifan and Lan Ling was assigned in the literary world seemed problematic to me. Some actors in films needed stage practice for a long time without getting it resolved. This is not an isolated case but a recurring phenomenon.

Subjectively, this is mainly due to the fact that some people, when criticized by new forces, retaliate. Those who propose new ideas can be attacked, and the attackers, due to their special status, further reinforce their outdated ideas. In the past, Literary Journal would add a few editor’s notes to slightly criticize new ideas. Of course, we believe society will eventually discover new forces, but such phenomena are intolerable. The hierarchical system strengthens special privilege mentalities. Recent cases reveal that in academic matters, administrative suppression is used to silence dissent, and those in privileged positions retaliate. Large gaps in hierarchy certainly have a negative influence, fostering the possibility of breeding special privilege mentalities. Why has a new hierarchical system developed? Our society is a worker-peasant society, and it’s questionable whether such a multi-tiered hierarchy is truly necessary. I don’t think it is. Reducing the levels and making leadership more approachable is essential. Bloated bureaucracies are detrimental to production and to the development of youth individuality, creating an environment where one feels destined only to become a ‘chief.’ Youth should develop in a healthy direction.

The cause lies in the need for state and administrative management organizations, but this need is not infinite. Some of it is artificially expanded, which allows the hierarchical system to develop. Therefore, we should reduce the excess personnel and involve them in production. The existence of the hierarchical system impacts individuals, and we should promote the rejection of special privileges, while clearly defining necessary rights. Local grassroots organizations’ rights should be expanded, and leaders should be publicly elected, with regular reports on their performance provided to the public. The appointment system should be reconsidered—I do not support the appointment system.

The unified distribution system also hampers the full development of individuality. Unified distribution is acceptable if it seeks the individual’s consent; otherwise, it is problematic because it suppresses personal talent. For example, musical talent may not develop, as it is stifled. Someone who wants to study journalism may be assigned to engineering. This is not good for individuals or society. Since personal initiative is not encouraged, overall productivity is affected. If some workplaces lack enough people, we should promote and explain things widely to correct misconceptions. If propaganda doesn’t work, the shortage can be temporarily addressed. Additionally, if some individuals lack the qualifications, they should take personal responsibility. The unified distribution system hinders the development of individuality.”

“The current social system restricts the full development of individuality for the following reasons:

The formation and development of a new hierarchical system.
The existence of the unified distribution system.
The irrationality of the personnel system, with the Party’s organization department monopolizing personnel decisions.
Individuals’ insufficient material conditions (living standards, books, resources, teachers).
Long working hours and the spread of ideological pressure.
Media monopoly, with news being blocked and a lack of information resources.
Closed education, which harms the physical and mental well-being of youth.
The Party’s unconditional execution of discipline is unreasonable.
The rigidity of theoretical courses in schools.”
(Liu Biaoxing, Economics Department student, Renmin University of China)

He slanders interpersonal relationships in the new society as being based on “nothing but hypocrisy and deceit,” which stems from his theory of human nature. He also says, “People are foolish, selfish, narrow-minded, vulgar, shallow, and despicable.” From this, he further concludes that Xunzi’s idea of “man’s nature is inherently evil” is more accurate than Mencius’s “man’s nature is inherently good.”

(Materials from Wu Ruwen, Philosophy Department student, Renmin University of China)

On the Contrary, if One Believes that People’s Actions Can Simply Be Attributed to Their Class Background, as Some Might Think, How Can We Explain That Both ‘Rightists’ and ‘Anti-Rightists’ in This Movement Come from Families of All Kinds?
This shows that the ideological foundation of the ‘Anti-Rightist’ struggle is not only dogmatic but also revisionist.”
(Tan Tianrong, Peking University)

“Humanitarianism is the highest principle, and communism is just a step toward achieving humanitarianism. A person first possesses common human nature before possessing class nature. We are now overly emphasizing class nature and neglecting human nature. The principle of humanitarianism should also apply to enemies. For example, we oppose torturing enemies. Stalin and Rákosi violated humanitarianism, so they cannot be said to be upright or kind people.”
(Yang Lu, Peking University)

“I once walked the path affirmed by humanitarianism and public morality, where I didn’t know what it meant to flatter or grovel. But, unfortunately, those loathsome dandelions stained my clothes, and the thorny thistles of attacks also scratched my skin. I have been angry and wept in frustration, but my steps forward never stopped.
Outspokenness is not arrogance; boldness is not buffoonery; vigilance is not suspicion; calmness is not numbness; silence is not death…
If one is a bull, then one must wear blinders and drag a heavy millstone in the mill, going round and round. The bull does so because it is an animal, incapable of thought and rebellion. But what about humans? Even slaves, commoners, and laborers can question the purpose of their toil. So what is surprising about the uprisings of slaves and revolts of commoners throughout history?
People who don’t dare to question, think, or challenge—calling them slaves would be an overstatement.”
(Qiu Qinghui, Wuhan Institute of Surveying and Mapping)

9. Fallacies Regarding ‘Dissatisfaction with Reality’

“Dissatisfaction with reality is a reflection of objective contradictions. It is the dissatisfaction of the progressive class and the driving force of social development. The Party should encourage this.”
(Fu Tiecheng, History Department student, Renmin University of China)

“Dissatisfaction with reality is a social development law. I agree with Lin Xiling’s view. Counter-reaction is a manifestation of dissatisfaction with reality.”
(Zhu Furong, History Department student, Renmin University of China)

“Dissatisfaction is the prelude to class struggle. Dissatisfaction always exists in society. For progressive people, dissatisfaction is necessary. People should not be content with the status quo, so dissatisfaction is needed. Young people should be especially bold in their dissatisfaction—fear neither the heavens nor the earth… Society is progressing slowly because of ideological rigidity. The outbreak of the Hungarian incident was mainly due to the suppression of dissatisfaction.”
(Hong Weizheng, Planning Department student, Renmin University of China)

10. Criticism of Party Policies

“In economic matters, buying sweet potatoes costs ten cents for three or four pounds, but buying sweet potato vines to feed cattle costs seven cents per pound—how does that make sense? In Capital, you can’t find such a thing. The price of red jam varies—sixty cents in Xidan, fifty-eight cents at Di’anmen, and ninety cents at Taipingqiao. What is the Ministry of Trade doing? It’s bureaucratic!
When Japanese returnees told the Chinese Red Cross, ‘When we were about to leave China, we spent all our money on goods, but at customs, they taxed us. If we had no money, we were encouraged to sell our goods to department stores. The stores bought them for 150 yuan but sold them at 600 yuan.’ If this money went to national defense, that would be fine, but if bureaucrats squandered it, that would be wrong.”
(Wang Dezhou, Lecturer, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“The overseas Chinese policy should be inclusive. Don’t divide overseas Chinese into left, right, and center based on class. For example, in Malaya, the only enemy is the British. We should be like Bao Zheng, the upright judge: if the overseas Chinese capitalists are wrong this time, blame them; if the overseas Chinese workers are wrong next time, blame the workers.
The exchange rate for overseas remittances is too low, which discourages overseas Chinese from sending money back. Although this policy has now been corrected, it has already caused significant losses.
After returning to China, Li Tianmin, Deputy Director of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission (now deceased), only cared about his official duties and did not dare to criticize Madam He Xiangning (the chairperson) for being too old to handle affairs.”
(Professor Xu Mengxiong, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“There are problems with our foreign trade. We export grain at low prices and import machines at high prices, which leads to people not having enough to eat.”
(Hu Youwan, Beijing Mining Institute)

“Our country is an atheist state, so not all diplomatic work can be handled by Communists. Song Qingling’s visit to Southeast Asia was a good start, but it didn’t continue.”
(Xu Shengtong, History Department student, Renmin University of China)

“The foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China should be more equal with the Soviet Union. While the Soviet Union leads, we are in second place. In some areas, like the Sinification of Marxism-Leninism, we have our own innovations and should be in first place.”
(Yin Jiuru, Archives Department, Renmin University of China)

“Our Policy Towards the U.S. Has Been Propagated Too Aggressively. It Is Said That When We Crossed the Yangtze River, the U.S. Wanted to Establish Diplomatic Relations With Us, and We Missed This Opportunity—That Was a Mistake.”
“We should publicize the good aspects of the U.S., especially its scientific achievements. We should try all possible means to establish diplomatic relations with the U.S. (as long as it does not harm our national sovereignty) and strive to join the United Nations. Regarding the U.S. issue, narrow-minded national pride is also a regrettable thing.”
“There is also no need for deliberate opposition with other capitalist countries; we should try to establish relations with them.”
(Luo Wenbo, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“…I heard that when Nanjing was liberated, the U.S. ambassador delayed his departure, hoping to establish diplomatic relations with China, to give China a hand. But later, because our policies were too passive, it didn’t happen. The Central Committee made a mistake in this matter… In 1949, we should not have missed the opportunity to establish diplomatic relations with the U.S. Our approach was too rigid, without careful consideration. Since the U.S. wanted to use us at that time, why couldn’t we use them? … Otherwise, we would have joined the United Nations long ago. I think Egypt was smart—they didn’t dare recognize China before joining the UN, but after they joined, they recognized us. So, this is a matter of strategy.”
(Wu Bohan, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

He criticized the Party’s foreign policy towards Japan, saying:
“The release of Japanese war criminals disregarded the people’s hatred and used national blood to exchange for international relations.”
(From the materials of Hua Yuqi, Archives Department, Renmin University of China)

“Our policy towards Egypt started with a lot of shouting, but in the end, all we gave was some economic aid, losing credibility. We shouldn’t have provided aid to Nepal as it has no strategic value. As for Cambodia, the aid was a losing deal.”
(Ling Guozhi, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“In our diplomatic work, we shouldn’t act based on the Soviet Union’s preferences—we should deal with them on equal terms. The phrase ‘the socialist family led by the Soviet Union’ should be changed to ‘the Soviet Union as a pioneer…’ When Vietnam proposed ‘the socialist family led by both the Soviet Union and China,’ we neither supported nor opposed it. In fact, we should have opposed it because we don’t want such inequality.”
(Pan Junmin, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“I don’t agree with the one-sided diplomatic policy. Doesn’t one-sidedness mean having only one friend and that everyone else is an enemy? Solely relying on the Soviet Union is dangerous—if they want us to go to war, we will have to. After the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance was announced in 1950, I felt even more uneasy. China has been at war for many years, and now we need to focus on building. We really can’t afford another war. I’m old now, I want peace and stability, and I just want to work quietly.”

A dynasty can last for hundreds of years for a reason. The Qing Dynasty, despite being ruled by a minority, governed China for over 200 years. Yet, the Communist Party has ruled for only eight years, and already so many flaws have appeared. The people are full of complaints. When liberation first occurred, the masses were warm toward the Party, but now they have become dismissive. The Communist Party is already in a very dangerous situation today; it cannot afford to be careless. Right now, over 90% of the Party members are bureaucratic, factional, and corrupt, committing all sorts of evil. In just ten days, look at what has been revealed in the schools.”
(Wang Dezhou, Lecturer, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“As long as there is a Party, small groups will form. With groups come factions. If you want to eliminate factions, you must eliminate both the Party and these small groups. All parties in the world are the same.”
(Fan Zhengtang, Lecturer, Sports Research Office, Renmin University of China)

“The Party’s prestige has drastically declined. The vast majority of overage Youth League members no longer want to join the Party. The level of Party members is extremely low—’the unjust rule’ and ‘the unjust become rich.’ Good people don’t engage in politics. Power is everything; with power comes money and women. ‘Whoever has the knife controls Marxism-Leninism.’ ‘The Party members have formed a new class, specializing in persecuting people.'”
(Li Wanchang, Lecturer, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“In the past, I didn’t dare to speak because I suffered for speaking out. For several years, the leadership has effectively sentenced me to ideological death. Now I must speak out—as long as I don’t lose my head. I’m only afraid of being left half-dead.”
“Sometimes, when people have been wronged, others say they’re being stubborn. This is truly cruel.”
(Huang Naijiang, Lecturer, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

He believes that the Party is just a faction. Party members all blindly follow orders, and he said that he does not want to join the Party. He mentioned that his wife, Xiao Bao, also does not want to join the Party because Party members are all involved in extramarital affairs, and even if they don’t work, they still get promoted.
“He (Ge Peiqi) couldn’t establish a connection with the Party and became disillusioned. In his speech, he had one sincere comment: ‘The Party treats people like treasures when they are useful—some who have killed the masses and even comrades are treated as treasures. But when they’re no longer needed, those who have sweated and bled are left outside the gates.'”
“The claim that the Party ‘took in’ eight million old personnel is incorrect. Those eight million old personnel weren’t freeloading. Even if they were taken in, it was the 600 million people who took them in, not the Party. It’s not as though a Party member is supporting several people.”
(From the materials of Wang Tiesheng, student of Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“Party members are just obedient, following orders for the sake of party loyalty.” When Sun saw the rightist statement in the newspaper that ‘Party members live off the Party,’ he said, ‘This is spot on.’
He slandered our Party’s organization as undemocratic and unfree, saying, ‘Would anyone want to join such a Party? I’ve long stopped considering joining the Party… not joining actually feels freer.’ Regarding the Gao-Rao incident, he believed that Gao Gang ‘brought disaster upon himself.’ He thought that the recently exposed issue of the Malenkov anti-Party group in the Soviet Union was merely ‘a display of infighting for power within the Party.’ Sun slandered the Party as a factional group that pursued private interests and couldn’t represent the people’s interests. He described the Party as being ‘utterly dark,’ saying, ‘The Party is made up of the two characters “shady” and “black.”‘
(From the materials of Sun Bangji, Assistant Lecturer, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“Fifty percent of Party members are bad members. After liberation, those who joined the Party were opportunists, flattering their way in. The vast majority are corrupt and degenerate. Party members enjoy privileges—they suffer last but enjoy first, without exception. Why do so many people want to join the Party now? For enjoyment.”
“The Communist Party wants to control everything.”
“The Communist Party only represents the interests of workers, not farmers. Workers are wealthy, farmers are poor. The Communist Party doesn’t dare to carry out rectification among workers or farmers because if they did, the workers would strike, and the farmers would demand land.”
“The Party’s illness has penetrated deeply.”

“For the sake of ensuring that no one else is driven to death by the Party, I would even choose suicide willingly.

Party members enjoy privileges: if the masses make mistakes, they are dealt with harshly, but when Party members make mistakes, it’s brushed off lightly. For example, my brother-in-law engaged in improper relationships, but as a Party member, he wasn’t criticized, while my second brother, who is just a regular citizen, was imprisoned for the same behavior. My fourth brother, despite making mistakes, can still become a city committee member or mayor. An Ziwen alone occupies more than ten rooms. Precisely because Communist Party members have privileges in society, many people join the Party with impure motives. There are very few true communists, and in fact, the masses are not necessarily more backward than Party members.” (Duan Tieshan, Assistant Lecturer, Russian Studies Department, Renmin University of China)

“There is factionalism first in the department, followed by dogmatism and bureaucratism. Factionalism is not only present in Party-mass relations, but also in cronyism.” (Ma Hua, Assistant Lecturer, Archives Department, Renmin University of China)

“If there were no benefits to joining the Party, so many people wouldn’t be rushing to get in.” (Li Shuping, Assistant Lecturer, Agricultural Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“I had thought about joining the Communist Party, but I still lack confidence. I don’t believe that I would receive better education within the Party or that I would overcome this habit of self-deprecation. I’m worried that by joining the Party, I would become arrogant and oppressive, becoming an ‘educator,’ and my guilt and ‘responsibility’ would become heavier.

“How did the Communist Party deteriorate to this state within just three to five years? This cannot help but make one reflect on the past purpose and motivation of sharing hardships with the people, which was simply to maintain power. Once they secured power, they became autocratic—today proposing 199 construction projects, tomorrow pushing for the collectivization of 500 million farmers. Add to that the layer upon layer of forced bureaucratic commands, causing well-fed farmers to starve to death for nothing, cities lacking clothing and food, and people without houses to get married and start families. How could all this be considered correct?” (Li Heting, Translator, Translation Office, Renmin University of China)

“The Party and the people’s interests can be said to be 99% aligned, but 1% is not aligned. ‘Anti-Party’ and ‘anti-people’ are largely the same but not entirely. So, I believe we cannot say that being anti-Party is the same as being anti-people.” “I don’t advocate for unconditional belief in the Party, but rather conditional belief. This is a recent thought of mine. The reasons are: first, the Stalin incident; second, the flaws revealed during the rectification campaign; and third, the strong impression left by my experience during the anti-reactionary campaign. At that time, the Party announced that I had political problems, and everyone believed it, but the results proved I did not. So now, whenever the Party declares something, I think twice. I believe that the Party itself can also be viewed through a ‘two-point theory.’ There is no Party without contradictions, and without contradictions, there can be no development. The Party is a unity of contradictions. Within the Party, there is the correct aspect, which is part of its essence, and there is the wrong aspect. Marxism is one side, while subjectivism is the other. I support the former and oppose the latter. We shouldn’t see the Party as the embodiment of truth. I disagree with the idea that when a person’s opinion conflicts with the Party’s, they must be wrong.” (Xu Huier, Translator, Translation Office, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party is terrible; it’s practically riding on the people’s heads. Is there anything wrong with organizing a truly legitimate Party?” (Xu Jing’an, Translator, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“What strikes me most is that a Party member can be equated with any prestigious title—whether it’s being a professor in education, an editor in publishing, or an engineer in technical fields. Being a Party member is like a universal bridge that can lead to all kinds of privileges. Joining the Party brings both fame and fortune, status and power. It allows one to act with arrogance, and even personal matters like marriage and romance are easier to handle. Opportunists, seeing the benefits, rush to join.” (Li Jinming, Assistant Editor, Renmin University Press)

“After the Communist Party’s success, corruption became inevitable. While China’s unprecedented unification in history is good, it also has its downsides. A single decision can be implemented nationwide, but if a mistake is made, it’s a disaster.” “If the Party truly practiced ‘enduring hardship first, enjoying rewards later,’ fewer people would want to join.” (Jin Dayong, Librarian, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party constantly claims not to limit individual development, but in reality, it says one thing and does another. In theory, it is materialistic, but in practice, it is idealistic.”
“In recent years, I’ve come to the conclusion that an individual’s success is not determined by objective conditions but by the Party’s subjective decisions. The Party can decide someone is a success overnight or declare someone ‘immoral,’ leaving them unable to redeem themselves for life.” (Xu Zhongxiu, Librarian, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party is no different from the Kuomintang; all crows under heaven are equally black. Under the Kuomintang, at least we could criticize when things went wrong, but now if the Communist Party makes a mistake, we still have to say they are right.”
“When I think of the Party, I immediately think of people. I think of our school, and it feels no different from the Kuomintang. The Party is like a stepmother—good on the outside but abusive on the inside. The Party is a mess internally.”
(Zhu Zhangyao, Math Teacher, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“Previous thought reform campaigns were the Party leading one group to attack another. And now, the rectification campaign is the Party leading the people to attack its own members. But this time, instead of attacking the Party, we have ended up attacking ourselves.”
He views the Party as “an exclusive factional group that tolerates no dissent and suppresses differing views.” (Liang Gongpu, Geography Teacher, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“I believe that after the revolution’s victory, the Party has already started to deteriorate. Most Party members are detached from the masses. Their attitude towards the people and democrats is no longer the same as before. In many respects, the Party has begun to deviate from Marxism-Leninism. I believe that for any ruling party, after it gains power, degeneration and corruption are inevitable or, at the very least, difficult to avoid. This is a rule of history.” “After the revolution’s victory, many Party members became increasingly arrogant and complacent. They promote one-sided propaganda, turning the Party’s prestige into something absolute. For example, they claim that all of the people’s happiness is brought by the Communist Party. I disagree with this kind of one-sided propaganda. I believe that the Party led the people in achieving happiness. By turning this into an absolute, it gives people the impression that the Party is incapable of any mistakes. Moreover, many Party members’ thinking is degenerating.”

“What stands out to me the most is that Party membership can be equated with any prestigious title—in education, it’s a professor; in publishing, an editor; in engineering, an engineer. Being a Party member is like a universal bridge leading to all kinds of privileges. Joining the Party brings both fame and fortune, status and power. It allows one to act with arrogance, and even personal matters like marriage and romance become easier to handle. Opportunists see the benefits and rush to join.” (Li Jinming, Assistant Editor, Renmin University Press)

“After the Communist Party’s success, corruption became inevitable. China’s unprecedented unification in history is a good thing, but it also has its downsides. A single decision can be implemented nationwide, but if a mistake is made, it can be disastrous.”

“If the Party truly practiced ‘enduring hardship first, enjoying rewards later,’ fewer people would want to join.” (Jin Dayong, Librarian, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party constantly claims not to limit individual development, but in reality, it says one thing and does another. In theory, it is materialistic, but in practice, it is idealistic. Over the years, I’ve come to the conclusion that an individual’s success doesn’t depend on objective conditions but on the Party’s subjective decisions. If the Party says someone is capable, they can rise to success in three days, and if they label someone ‘immoral,’ that person will never recover.” (Xu Zhongxiu, Librarian, Renmin University of China)

“The Communist Party is no different from the Kuomintang; all crows under heaven are equally black. Under the Kuomintang, at least we could criticize it when it did wrong, but now, even when the Communist Party makes mistakes, we still have to say it’s right. When I think of the Party, I immediately think of specific people. I think of our school, and it feels no different from the Kuomintang. The Party is like a stepmother—good on the outside but abusive on the inside. The Party is a mess internally.” (Zhu Zhangyao, Math Teacher, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“Previous thought reform campaigns were led by the Party, with one group of people targeting another. And now, the rectification campaign is the Party leading the people to target its own members. But this time, instead of fixing the Party, we’ve ended up fixing ourselves.”
He sees the Party as “an exclusive factional group that tolerates no dissent and suppresses differing views.” (Liang Gongpu, Geography Teacher, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“I believe that after the revolution’s victory, the Party has already begun to deteriorate. Most Party members are detached from the masses. Their attitude toward the people and democratic figures is no longer the same as before. The Party has begun to stray from Marxism-Leninism. I believe that for any ruling party, once it gains power, deterioration and corruption are inevitable or, at least, difficult to avoid. This is a rule of history.”

“After the revolution’s victory, many Party members have become increasingly arrogant and complacent. They promote one-sided propaganda, making the Party’s prestige absolute. For example, they claim that all of the people’s happiness is brought by the Communist Party. I disagree with this one-sided propaganda. I believe it was the Party that led the people to achieve happiness. By making this absolute, it gives people the impression that the Party is infallible. Additionally, many Party members’ thinking has degenerated.”

“I believe that after the revolution’s victory, the Party has already begun to deteriorate. The majority of Party members have become detached from the masses, and the Party’s treatment of the people and democratic individuals has changed significantly. The Party has started to deviate from Marxism-Leninism to a considerable extent. I think it is inevitable or at least very difficult to avoid the deterioration and corruption of a ruling party once it is in power. This is a historical rule.”

“After the revolution’s victory, most Party members have grown increasingly arrogant and complacent, promoting one-sided propaganda and making the Party’s prestige absolute. For example, they claim that all of the people’s happiness comes from the Communist Party. I don’t agree with such one-sided propaganda. I believe that it was the Party that led the people to achieve happiness. However, by making this absolute, it gives people the impression that the Party is infallible. Moreover, many Party members’ thinking has degenerated. Many were already arrogant and complacent, and they use this absolutized prestige to shield their subjectivism, bureaucratism, factionalism, and authoritarianism. In many meetings, the leadership’s proposals are met with raised hands from the masses in automatic agreement. After liberation, most Party members no longer meet the Eight Criteria. Politically, they are slowly deteriorating, and they use the Party’s prestige to suppress democracy and attack others while seeking personal fame and gain. The further down the Party’s organization you go, the less democracy there is, and the more concentrated the power becomes. Bureaucratism has grown at these levels, and a cadre’s fate is decided solely by a leader’s whim.”

“The Party, in many respects, is becoming increasingly similar to a fascist organization.” (Bai Gui, Literature Teacher, Industrial and Agricultural Accelerated School, Renmin University of China)

“The Kuomintang secret agents had external organizations—do you think we don’t have them here? Every department has them.” (Dai Yiqiao, Law Student, Renmin University of China)

“Party members are cautious in their words and actions. Many Party members don’t dare to question or doubt academic issues or deviate from decisions, as they are bound by the Party’s organizational principles. Organizational principles should not deny this—it’s fine to act this way, but it shouldn’t prevent people from questioning things.” (Zhang Kangyi, Law Student, Renmin University of China)

“The central leadership is dogmatic, and some policies are not effectively implemented. They preach hardship and simplicity, but some high-ranking cadres don’t follow this example. There should be a movement to fight against these bad tendencies, but instead, there’s a disconnect between theory and practice. High-ranking cadres live in corruption without serious consequences, and their demands aren’t strict. Yet for lower-ranking individuals, the discipline is harsh. This mismatch between theory and reality is evident.” (Zhao Qi, Graduate Student in Marxist-Leninist Studies, Renmin University of China)

Poem: “The Prince and the Princess (A Part of the Story)”

Golden-Haired Princess Dance
“Prince and Princess,
You live in luxury!
Look at the common folk,
How absurd it has become!
You speak sweet words,
But the people taste bitterness!
How can they wear fine silks and dance?”

Poem: “Committee Lord”

“Committee Lord!
Don’t take away the lives of your students,
Give us time,
Then we can conduct our research independently!”

Commentary on the Party

“The Party hides the bad things and only publicizes the good ones, but bad things keep happening. The Party doesn’t want people to point out its flaws, and if someone does, they are punished.”

“The ruling class is inherently limited. When the Party was in the countryside, it had good relations with the farmers, but after coming to the cities and seeing cadres eating well, dressing well, and riding in cars, people started to have doubts.”

On Party Democracy

“I have high hopes for the rectification campaign, that it might bring thorough reform to the political system and transform the Party into the idealized version we write about in exam answers.” (Zhang Zuwen, Economics Student, Renmin University of China)

“The lack of democracy within the Party (the ‘Eighth Party Congress‘ called for expanding internal democracy) is evident in the fact that the Party leadership does not like hearing differing opinions from its members.”

“Newcomers to the workforce start with high enthusiasm, but soon become disillusioned. This reflects problems with the Party and the behavior of Party members. Simply working diligently is not enough—you have to frequently visit the leadership. In my time at school, I saw that honors never go to those who work hard but to those who are good at flattering and praising others.”

“Getting four or five points isn’t a big deal for students, but if they can’t get into the Party, they can’t sleep at night. As long as you are a Party member, even if you score only two points, you can rise to high positions. So students aren’t focusing on learning but on becoming Party members. This distorts the educational mission. People join the Party to get promoted—how can they serve the people with that mentality? But on the other hand, what young person wouldn’t think about their future? Who would be happy to remain an ordinary clerk forever? Combining personal interests with collective interests is correct, but only Party members seem able to achieve this, which is why everyone is scrambling to join the Party. The Party’s promise of high positions in exchange for Party membership is neither beneficial to the nation nor to the people, because it discourages young people from focusing on their studies.” (Han Guangyuan, Lecturer, Statistics Department, Renmin University of China)

“The phenomenon of officials protecting each other does exist. Senior cadres who commit serious mistakes are simply informed within internal circles. Even in feudal societies, princes were punished the same as commoners, but this phenomenon in our society isn’t isolated.” (Pu Zhongwen, Student, Statistics Department, Renmin University of China)

“Now it seems that the Communist Party not only has shortcomings, but these shortcomings are becoming more severe and are accelerating in a worse direction. The Party’s strengths have been drowned out by its flaws. These strengths are like isolated islands in a sea of fire. The Party has lost its appeal to the people and is no longer respected. The people’s hatred for the Party’s flaws is like travelers who, losing their boat, resent the endless sea for blocking them from reaching their destination.” (Xue Xinzhuo, Student, Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

“The walls were not built by outsiders, but by the Party itself, with Party members standing in positions of authority to educate others.” (Shu Hongtao, Student, Planning Department, Renmin University of China)

“My theme: Three ‘i’s: Create the crisis within our Party, overcome the Party’s crisis, conduct three self-reflections, thoroughly reform the Party, and strengthen its leadership to allow capable people to govern the country. This is my basic belief.”

“Some Party members have degenerated and lost their communist spirit—they only carry the label of the Party. I categorize Party members into three types: the first type is the older Party members, who are culturally unqualified and incompetent in their work, causing losses for the Party. The second type is young Party members, who lack progressive ideas and have an excess of entitlement. They don’t contribute much to work or study, like some of our peers who lack motivation. The third type is ordinary Party members, whose thoughts are in decline. They are bureaucratic, confusing the distinction between Party members and the masses. In the masses, they have no influence. Dismissing them isn’t enough, but keeping them is also detrimental because they fail to play an advanced role as Party members. There are many examples like this—some have stood still, some have sat down, and some have even lain down, as if waiting for others to drag them toward communism.” (Yang Ruiqing, Student, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“What’s the difference between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang?” (Feng Hai, Student, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party is primarily for its own members, especially for the benefit of high-ranking ones. These Party members ‘enjoy the pleasures before anyone else in the world.’ The Party is not the vanguard of the working class. I doubt that the Party has no self-interest at all. In my opinion, it does. The Party is a selfish political group. I question whether the Party is truly glorious, great, and correct. The Soviet Communist Party made mistakes—how is it possible that the Chinese Communist Party has made none? Is there no personal cult in the CCP? Isn’t it true that only what Chairman Mao says counts? The Party pretends to be modest, but in reality, the central leadership is arrogant.” (Li Zhijie, Student, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“There are some departments and positions…where class divisions based on political resources, such as Communist Party membership, are emerging.”

“Within organizations, schools, and societies, since Party members hold leadership positions, many of them come from complex backgrounds, and their ideological and behavioral problems are significant. Their scientific, cultural, and professional skills are low, which creates tensions and worsens relationships.” “Anyone who joins the Party organization enjoys rapid promotion, high social status, and even better chances for marriage, regardless of whether they have truly joined ideologically.” (Pan Junmin, Student, Journalism Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party holds all the power. I guess that’s just the way it is! In life, sometimes you’re smart, sometimes you’re confused—it’s just the way things go. In the past, my family (my father and uncle) were two-faced and ended up in a public security bureau. Personally, my goal was to transform my entire family into revolutionaries. But after the purges, the mental torment and attacks I experienced caused me to feel disillusioned, hurt, and distanced from the Party (though later I clarified this was about the branch, not the Party’s policies themselves). Because the Party’s policies are correct, it’s the implementation that’s the problem. That’s why I often say, ‘It’s just the way things are!’ Party secretaries and committee members only care about their personal interests and use politics for personal gain.” (Anonymous student)

“Some people say that society has a class system, but I think there is also a class system within the Party. There are Party members who are favored by the Party and those who are not. One group of people targets another group within the Party. There are three levels within the Party, and I belong to the lowest level.

People say that in various movements, the Party targets the masses, but in fact, Party members within the Party also get targeted heavily.” (Sun Quan, Student, Department of Trade and Economics, Renmin University of China)

“I suspect that the Party branch retaliates against people who raise suggestions, as I’ve seen a few people in our class face such retaliation over the years.” “The mistakes and shortcomings of our class’s Party branch are fundamental, while its achievements are negligible.” “Our class’s Party branch hasn’t played its expected role, mainly because Party members don’t act as role models, so the masses don’t respect them. Party members cover for each other and kick responsibilities around.” “You carry the label of a Party member, but you don’t act like one.” (Wang Shulou, Student, Department of Trade and Economics, Renmin University of China)

“In the past, I worshiped the Communist Party completely, as we commonly say with those grand phrases: ‘under the leadership of the great, correct, selfless Communist Party.’ Since the Party was described as so great and correct, of course, I thought there couldn’t be anything wrong with it. My thinking was bound by this grand and correct slogan. I believed that as long as the Communist Party led, everything would be fine, without ever questioning the accuracy of these lofty descriptions.” “Marxism-Leninism has flaws, and there are mistakes in practice, leading to a lack of trust in the Party.” (Deng Fangsong, Assistant Instructor, Department of Agricultural Economics, Renmin University of China)

“Party members have no individuality. There are heavy constraints within the Party, which stifles the expression of individuality. The emphasis on uniformity is too strong, making Party members lifeless, and this lack of vitality is caused by Party discipline.” (Zhao Fenglu, Student, Department of Agricultural Economics, Renmin University of China)

“In our country, there is a class system within the Party. This class system is one of the roots of the Three Evils【sanhai 三害】 (bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism官僚主义、宗派主义、教条主义).”
“People are divided into various levels, and this phenomenon exists in institutions and schools. Former classmates who have become high-ranking officials no longer want to associate with others. Officials of the same rank can speak freely, but there is no free conversation between higher and lower ranks, and the difference in status creates a noticeable gap.”
He used his own experience as an example to illustrate this absurd point, saying that after he was promoted to section head, he no longer wanted to study alongside clerks. “Whoever becomes the first secretary dictates the will of the Party. This is the case in China and other countries as well. While Stalin was alive, no one dared oppose him, but after he died, everything about him was denounced. Differences in industrial management systems in different countries (like the Soviet Union’s single-leader system, China’s Party committee system, and Yugoslavia’s workers’ councils) prove that whoever is the first secretary gets to enforce their will.”
He believes there is “autocratic rule by a few” within the Party. (Zeng Jimei, Student, Industrial Economics Department, Renmin University of China)

“The Party is the greatest enemy of freedom! Their internal workings are incredibly corrupt, they persecute honest citizens, arrest people illegally, and show complete disregard for the law. The red terror is filled with heinous crimes.”
After the newspaper denounced Ge Fengqi’s reactionary actions, Li De said, “The Communist Party has become the true enemy of the people and the oppressor of freedom.” “So what if you join the Party? All it means is running around pleasing your superiors. Your future prospects won’t be much better! Am I a product of this era? I wouldn’t say so. At the very least, I don’t consider myself a product of this era.” “
A bold young man unleashed his anger, posting a big-character poster at Renmin University (referring to the first big-character poster that appeared, accusing the school leadership of acting like ‘lords’—editor’s note). He cursed the Communist Party as ‘lords’! It was exhilarating! The Communist Party is playing tricks, talking about ‘contradictions among the people.’ How cunning! There’s never been a more clever dictatorship in history!”
“What kind of society is this? I think about my own behavior and wonder if I should resist. Only internally, though. Am I frivolous? Definitely! Am I proud? Indeed! What comes next?”
“I resist internally, but outwardly I wear a sincere smile—this is out of ‘strategy.’ Is this hypocrisy? Well, when it comes to ‘enemies,’ one cannot be honest!” (Zhou Yongqing, Student, Renmin University of China)

“Other people say that there’s a hierarchy in society, but I see it within the Party as well. There are Party members who are favored, and those who aren’t. One group of Party members targets another group. There are three tiers within the Party, and I’m at the bottom tier.” (Sun Quan, Student, Renmin University of China)

“I used to worship the Communist Party, thinking of it as the ‘great, correct, selfless leadership’ that we always hear about. But now, I realize that the Party has its flaws, and Marxism-Leninism isn’t without mistakes.” (Deng Fangsong, Assistant, Renmin University of China)

“We must eliminate the Party, completely eliminate the Party! This is both the root of success and the root of failure. When the organizational power is most opposed to reality, the Party is needed, but when a new society has emerged, the people themselves must take control.
It is essential to explain this truth from a theoretical standpoint, explaining the world rationally and creating the world rationally.
Communists are very strategic and skilled at using ‘traps,’ so one must be highly vigilant (against opportunists).
A true person not only masters the entire legacy of humanity but also adds new truths in thought, and then acts on them!
Communists feel very uncomfortable because they won’t ‘attack’ themselves. There has never been such a logic, either in ancient times or today, domestically or internationally.
Anyone who turns back the wheel of history is reactionary. Those who want to replace current reality with a new society are progressive.
Life experience only teaches us the strategy of struggle. It does not turn people into cowards. We must use experience to struggle.
‘Communists’ are the most hypocritical and brainless!
Youthful enthusiasm, in and of itself, is not ideal. It is easy to suffer for it. One must use every moment to study and live. When my system has become an eternal truth, youthful enthusiasm must be fully utilized.
Pay attention to the ‘enemies’ around you. Protect yourself and safeguard your dignity! Be skilled in both ‘attack’ and ‘retreat.’
Say what must be said, and remain silent on what should not be spoken!
Maintain the wisdom of a philosopher, the emotions of a poet, the strategy of a tactician, the methods of a politician, the logic of a debater, the language of a writer, the integrity of a person, and consistency from beginning to end!”
“I do not love the current regime. I hate it! I hate the ruling Party even more because it is the greatest enemy of freedom! It falsely claims to create happiness for the people. People can only create their own happiness; we do not need any Party. To me, political parties must be eliminated. The prohibition of party and faction formation is a symbol of freedom. Truth is growing, but why does it refuse to be born?”

(Li De, student at Renmin University’s Department of Philosophy)

“The Party must reform itself. The grassroots organizations in rural areas are still relatively close to the people, but in institutions and schools, a class division is forming based on the possession of Communist Party membership as a political asset.”
“There are two administrative structures in the country: the Party Committee and the People’s Committee, which completely conforms to our system.”
“Within the Party, there is only a high concentration of power, without high levels of democracy. There is small democracy for the Party itself, but not large democracy (with no influence on Party policies). Party members have many obligations but few rights. Subordinates bear many obligations from superiors, but there are fewer opportunities for feedback. Agricultural collectivization was imposed from top to bottom. It feels as if all decisions depend on Chairman Mao, and without him, China would have been delayed by several years in implementing collectivization. Lower-level organizations operate with the mindset of ‘better to be safe than sorry’ and don’t think for themselves.”
“Party members in rural areas are not effective, and the Central Party Committee does not listen to them. If the Central Party Committee could promote democracy and listen to their opinions, they could represent farmers and bring up many suggestions. The Party should promote a more universal representative system.”
“Ma Yunfeng from the Aviation Institute should not have been expelled from the Party. He did not violate the Party constitution. Even among Central Committee members, there are people with thoughts similar to his. Why was he expelled? This is restricting independent thought within the Party.”
“The experience of the 1948 Party rectification is still useful. We need to implement it again, as many people have entered the Party through favoritism.” (Pan Junmin, Student at Renmin University’s Department of Journalism)

Li De proposed the specific steps to eliminate the Party as:

Theoretically proving that there is no need for political parties;
“Factionalism is born from the Party,” inciting conflict between the Party and the people, so that the people hate the Party;
Gradually remove Party leadership from cultural institutions, rural areas, production teams, and government bodies, step by step, from one area to another;
Ultimately eliminate the Party! Undermine the theoretical foundations of Marxism-Leninism that the Party is built on;
Exaggerate individual mistakes of the Party to create widespread anger among the masses;
The fall of the Party and socialism are two sides of the same coin—when socialism is overturned, either the Party will collapse on its own or the people will overthrow it.

(Notes from Li De, student at Renmin University’s Department of Philosophy)

“The Communist Party is for the benefit of only a minority of people. I suspect that any ruling party, including the Communist Party, which does not serve everyone, needs to be challenged once people realize its faults.” (Wang Xianwen, student at Renmin University’s Department of Philosophy)

“The Communist Party is hypocritical. They say one thing and do another. They claim to represent ‘the people’ but are too afraid to admit that they are the rulers. All these ‘People’s Government,’ ‘People’s Navy,’ ‘People’s University,’ and ‘People’s Bank’ names are just for show. It would be more honest to follow Britain’s example with terms like ‘Queen’s Government,’ ‘Royal Navy,’ and ‘Royal Academy.’ The Party and military discipline serve the interests of the rulers. The execution of Liu Qingshan and Zhang Zishan was merely to scare others and win the people over.”
“The Party is no different from the bourgeoisie. They boast of equality and freedom but allow arbitrary executions, just like the Kuomintang. The Communist Party is capable of doing anything—burying people alive in Yan’an, as described in big-character posters at Tsinghua University, using secret interrogations and torture to extract confessions.” (Pan Xiangchen, student at Renmin University’s Department of History)

“In order to eliminate the ‘Three Evils【sanhai 三害】 (bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism官僚主义、宗派主义、教条主义) ,’ pressure must be applied directly to the central government. I personally will spend my entire life fighting to eliminate these Three Evils. I don’t wish to become an ‘official’; I want to be like Li Da from Water Margin, and I am prepared to lose my Party membership and even taste the inside of a prison in New China.”
“Most members of the Party are good, but a small portion are bad, and among the good, only a few truly understand Marxism-Leninism. So, our Party can be divided into three types of people: a small group who genuinely grasp Marxism-Leninism, another group consisting of bad people like Li Wanming, and the majority who are confused, ineffective, and serve no real purpose.” (Student from the History Department of Renmin University, Chang Xuewen)

“I often only talk about loving the country, not loving the Party or supporting the Party. I don’t want to hear the word ‘Party.'” (Student from the History Department of Renmin University, Yang Ruxu)

“The Party doesn’t trust the masses. It doesn’t publish things from academic discussions. Capitalism is bad, but at least they’ve developed. We demand the liberation of thought and personal expression. Hu Feng said it well: we’re like frightened daughters-in-law, scared to speak because we’re afraid of being recorded. I sympathize. Party leaders hope for compliant people who don’t challenge them.” (Student from the Department of Planning at Renmin University, Wang Hongzhang)

“The Party says all the right things but does things it cannot show the public. For example, it claims that those who retaliate must be dealt with, but in practice, retaliation is rampant at the grassroots level. Within the Party, wrongdoers are first protected and then criticized. While this is correct in principle, in practice, wrongdoers are sheltered from criticism. For Party members, their penalties are either reduced or not imposed at all.” (Student from the Department of Planning at Renmin University, Han Feng)

“The Party is a tool for career advancement and wealth. If you want to succeed and get rich, you must join the Party. It’s like getting a certificate that symbolizes progress in today’s society.” (Student from the Law Department of Renmin University, Zhang Kangyi)

“Since liberation, the number of Party members has increased, but the quality has declined. The Party’s prestige has essentially remained at the same level as in 1949 when liberation occurred. Some believe it has even weakened somewhat.” (Student from the Law Department of Renmin University, Chen Qiumin)

“If you say a few good things about the Communist Party, you’ll get five points. If you just say good things and don’t say ‘Long live the Kuomintang,’ you’ll get three points.” (Student from the Law Department of Renmin University, Dai Yiqiao)

“Two types of societies, two kinds of capital: Capitalism: Money is the universal capital. Honor, status, enjoyment, privilege… everything is guaranteed. Class divisions are clearly defined. Socialism: Political capital is omnipotent. Honor, status, enjoyment, privilege… all are assured. There’s no ambiguity between those inside and outside the Party.” (From a big-character poster at Renmin University)

“Within the Party, certain matters are kept secret and mysterious. For instance, there are some Party publications that ordinary members are not allowed to read—only those at the rank of department head and above. Such distinctions between ranks hinder the political education of Party members.” (From a big-character poster by students of the Industrial Economics Department at Renmin University)

“Reflections on the sight of local officials: Lately, the Party secretary, the Party committee, the department heads, and the secretaries have all surfaced, dragged out by the rectification campaign. If not, they’d still be hiding away, like puppets in the depths of the mountains. In the future, they’d better not ascend to high positions and sit in their red palaces again.” (From a big-character poster by students of the Archives Department at Renmin University)

“After Li Yu’s poem 虞美人[Yu Meiren: When Will the Spring Flowers and Autumn Moon End?] :

When will this endless worry about ‘Party loyalty’ end?

How much Party loyalty can there really be?

The winds blew last night through the red towers,

The bureaucrats are trembling, fearful deep inside.

Oppression still exists, Though the methods have changed.

How much sorrow do you have to ask me about? I

t’s like the murky waters of the great river flowing endlessly on.”

(From a big-character poster, mainly addressing Wang Qin, a Party committee official in the Journalism Department at Renmin University)

“The Party treats its members as treasures but doesn’t allow the masses to even light a candle! Party members oppress and suppress the masses. This is the ‘privilege’ of being a Party member!” (From a big-character poster at Renmin University)

“At the Department of Finance, some who become department heads or research office leaders believe they should no longer be involved in production. They think their sole role is to be administrative leaders, and as a result, some of them sink into trivial matters and are never able to see the light of day again. Others don’t understand important matters but don’t do anything either. They hold their positions with great pride, acting like small officials, with no real knowledge in their heads but a pocket full of petty thoughts.” (Wang Genjian, Deputy Director of the Finance Research Office at Renmin University’s Department of Finance)

“After the Communist Party gained its wealth of experience, it stopped thinking of new ways to handle things. It stopped thinking altogether. They just sit around playing with old ideas and pay no attention to the real situation. They sit in their lofty towers, eyes closed, spouting nonsense.”

“The Communist Party used to be highly sensitive, but now I think it’s the opposite. It’s just clinging to its old ways. All you hear are praises and grandiose titles for itself. It only says it’s absolutely right, as if the Party is entirely red and everyone else is entirely white. For example, when external critics point out, ‘The ideas are correct, but it’s being ruined by the little monks chanting them,’ our Party outright dismisses the criticism, far too dogmatic. It just sits in its fancy offices, convinced of its correctness, and has no contact with the outside world. As a result, it knows nothing and just follows formulas, making everything a mess.”

“In the past, the Party was always very foresighted. But now it’s different. Just look at our Party today. It’s entirely confined within the circles of dogmatism and empiricism. As a result, it has lost its ability to foresee objective developments and is being pushed and pulled around by the development of objective laws. Things come right up to its face, and yet…”

(Translation of big-character posters from various students at Renmin University)

“Truthfully speaking, no matter where you report it, it won’t help—every Party member’s heart is black.” (Beijing Mining Academy, Qu Bangsheng)

“… We must unconditionally support the abstract Communist Party, but the concrete Communist Party can become the embodiment of bureaucracy, such as the Rakosi and Gero group. Opposing such groups does not necessarily mean opposing socialism. The Chinese Communist Party doesn’t like this argument because it claims to be based on the interests of the vast majority of the people, not just the top interests of the Communist Party. In fact, the interests of any concrete Party and the vast majority of the people often do not align, which creates contradictions between the Party, the government, and the people. The ‘Three Evils’ are widespread in China, and this is an expression of these contradictions.” (Beijing University, Yan Zhongqiang)

“The central leadership is correct, but the lower levels are often wrong. Distrusting grassroots organizations does not mean distrusting the Party.” (Beijing Mining Academy, Yang Bu’ou and others)

“The Taiping Rebellion happened in a leap month, the Boxer Rebellion happened in a leap month, and the Xinhai Revolution happened in a leap month. This year is also a leap month.” (The implication is that the Communist Party should fall this year—Editor’s note) (Shandong Teachers’ College, Li Guozheng)

“The Party is not a party of the working class. There are few workers in the Party, even fewer in the central leadership. The Party only uses the working class and the alliance with peasants to realize its own political agenda.” (Beijing University of Political Science and Law, Zhang Jingming)

“I’ve come to accept the idea that forming political parties inevitably leads to selfishness. I believe that openly using parties for personal gain is an acknowledged fact. Joining a party is political investment, using the party as a ladder for promotion and wealth… In short, I see political parties as nothing more than expanded guilds or small cliques. I view the Communist Party in the same way.” (Beijing University of Political Science and Law, Zhao Riyue)

“The Communist Party is worse than the Kuomintang.” He cursed his former workplace as “a dark place filled with spies and terror, where officials can set fires, but the people aren’t allowed to light candles.” He also said, “We should repay the Communist Party tit for tat!” (Beijing University of Political Science and Law, Wang Mingxin)

“The Communist Party at the University of Political Science and Law is like a royal family: thieves and prostitutes combined with Marxism-Leninism.” (Beijing University of Political Science and Law, Zhang Jingkai)

“Production increases and conservation efforts are inconsistent. Premier Zhou is too generous, giving favors left and right, pretending to be wealthy. Agreed: improve the people’s standard of living! Down with the Communist Party!” (Yunnan University, Zhu Xiangheng)

“The Party’s system is one of secret police and political thugs, even worse than the Kuomintang’s secret police. In every movement, people die. If no one dies, that would be strange. Not every death is deserved. The Party committee running the school brings many problems. The Party committee should leave the school, and professors should run it.” (Yunnan University, Liu Wenxin)

“If the Party aims to establish a communist society, at that point all parties should have already been eliminated. So why shout ‘Long live the Communist Party!’? Does it take 10,000 years to establish a communist society? The student union constitution doesn’t mention Party leadership, so why must it be under Party leadership? Right now, it’s a one-party dictatorship, not the dictatorship of the proletariat.” (Yunnan University, Jiang Shifen)

“The relationships between people are hypocritical, filled with deception and mutual exploitation. The Party uses the people, and the people use the Party.” (Beijing Physical Education Institute, Li Jinhai)

“The Party’s work is all flash and no substance. They talk a lot, but there’s no content. I used to think what they said made sense, but now I don’t even bring a notebook to meetings anymore. Historically, any party that just came to power always worked hard at first, but gradually became arrogant. The Party is now burdened with bureaucratism. The Party committee won’t let people voice their opinions and just dismisses them. Today, even though people are airing their grievances out of love for the country and the Party, you can’t assume they’re just unhappy from the Anti-Rightist Campaign.” (Wuhan Mapping and Surveying Institute, Gao Shiliu)

“The Party holds all the power, and now it’s the Party’s world. The Communist Party itself has become a large faction. When Party members get together to discuss issues, it always reflects factionalism.” (Wuhan Mapping and Surveying Institute, Xing Hefang)

“The Party organization is like an old ‘bureaucratic office’ (referring to a feudal yamen).” (Wuhan Mapping and Surveying Institute, Library Worker, Meng Fansuo)

“The Kuomintang isn’t as hateful as the Communist Party. Communist Party members are eerie and sinister.” (Wuhan Mapping and Surveying Institute, Dong Jinyuan)

“As the saying goes, ‘If the top beam is crooked, the bottom beam will also be crooked,’ and ‘As the leader acts, so do the subordinates.’ I think these sayings explain the root of lawlessness and the ‘Three Evils.’ If you don’t believe me, just look at the facts: from the central government down to local levels, from government offices to schools, from rural areas to cities, where is there no bureaucratism, factionalism, or lawlessness? A few isolated cases, two or three here and there, but if you add up all these individual cases? It makes one wonder whether Party members truly live up to the Party’s constitution and goal of serving the people.” (Yunnan University, Wu Siqing)

“Nine demands to the school’s Party and administrative leadership:

Expand democracy within the school and implement a school council system to prevent the practice of substituting Party leadership for government administration.
Implement a credit system and allow freedom of course selection.
Abolish the oral exam system and the five-point grading system; replace it with a percentage-based grading system.
Permit foreign language electives.
Ensure teachers incorporate ‘a hundred schools of thought contending’ and introduce the full range of global scientific achievements.
Provide each class with at least one copy of Guangming Daily.
The Party, government, and student organizations must be treated equally. Aside from internal Party matters, general issues should be…”

(Anonymous author of demands from Yunnan University)

To serve the people and to serve the Communist Party are seen as one and the same by Party members because they see the Communist Party as the representative of the people. However, I see it differently. I think the Communist Party is a political organization that governs the people. I recognize that the Party has done many undeniable good deeds for the country and the people since taking power. Their goal is genuinely to improve the people’s cultural and daily lives, rather than enriching themselves at the expense of the public. That is why I see the Party as serving the people.

At the same time, I also see the Party as ruling over the people because it tightly controls their thoughts and emotions, presenting the face of a true ruler when it comes to issues of democracy and freedom. In the Party’s eyes, all the honor and social status of intellectuals come from the Party, which leads to the conclusion that intellectuals should unconditionally obey the Party. Otherwise, they believe that the money spent on them might as well have been spent on raising dogs. They forget that this money comes from the hard work of the people, yet they act like bosses. Since, in their view, they provide for us intellectuals, when we criticize or question them, they call us ungrateful.

As I see it now, there’s no real difference between serving the people and serving the Communist Party. I believe that serving the people is the same as serving the Communist Party, just as it is the responsibility of every Chinese patriot. Serving the people is about contributing to the prosperity of the country. If some people see this as also serving the Communist Party, so be it. But my intention in doing these things is not to serve the Communist Party, but rather to serve the people and the country.

I don’t believe that, under current conditions, only those who are loyal to the Communist Party and socialism are capable of serving the people. Those who possess such loyalty will naturally do great things, but even those who are not loyal can contribute to the nation’s well-being as long as they have love for their country and its people. By ‘loyalty,’ I mean political beliefs that may not necessarily align with the Party or government.” (Tongji University, Shu Zhan [Zhong Liangming])

“Things always develop through contradictions. The old aristocracy and class system were overthrown, but a new privileged class has emerged. This has been the case throughout history, and I can only sigh. The old aristocracy used established teachings to maintain their privileges: in Europe, it was scholasticism; in the Middle East, it was the Quran; and in China, it was the Thirteen Classics. The new aristocracy also has its theoretical foundation. Stalin once said in front of Lenin’s tomb: ‘Communists are made of special material.’ Since they are made of special material, naturally, they deserve special treatment… Stalin established this theory to explain the organizational discipline of Party members, but it was later misused by some as a justification for special privileges. This, in truth, is an extension of Marxism-Leninism.” (Yunnan University, Li Jingyu)

“The mistakes and crimes of the Shandong University Party Committee are threefold:

Violating the Constitution, showing contempt for it.
Slandering and retaliating.
Deceiving superiors and suppressing the masses.

Regarding the first point: During the Anti-Rightist Campaign, some people at Shandong University lost all personal freedom, such as Wu Huikun. The work team forbade me from interacting with others, especially prohibiting contact between Zhou Beiping and Dong Xingbei. The Party Committee claimed that I had no political or historical issues and didn’t regard me as a counterrevolutionary, but the work team under Jiang Jieqifu’s leadership did not allow me to meet with anyone…

As for the second point: There were many cases of slander and false accusations. For example, they claimed that during the People’s Representative elections, Dong Xingbei voted for an American movie star. There’s no way this could be considered a simple mistake or credulousness. Secret ballots are not supposed to be traceable, and even if investigated, it wouldn’t be allowed. Only the Party Committee could have investigated it. If this isn’t slander, what is it? Dong never supported the Party Committee; isn’t that persecution?

And the third point: Deceiving superiors is probably rampant. If we could expose it or reveal their secrets, we would find much more. Even now that the Party has called for rectification, the Party Committee still hasn’t been honest in their Anti-Rightist Campaign summary. They are stepping on those beneath them. The Anti-Rightist Campaign at Shandong University was likely 100% wrong, or at least over 90%. The real counterrevolutionaries were discovered by the Public Security Bureau, not by Shandong University. The university didn’t expose a single true counterrevolutionary—all the people they targeted were wrongly accused, including the students. It’s possible they were 100% wrong. But in their summary, they still claim that the achievements were fundamental, that they should take credit. They lack even the basic decency to admit their mistakes, let alone any proletarian morality.” (Shandong University, Xu Siyuan)

“Today I was hesitant about whether or not to come. In the spirit of unity, I decided to attend. Why wouldn’t I come? To speak on behalf of the Party Committee, here are four rhyming lines:
‘Humbly accept, study it well,
After studying, continue as usual.’

This is the practice of ‘seeking fish from trees.’ But seeking fish from trees carries no lasting harm. I have some words from the hearts of certain Party Committee members:
‘You damn fool, in three years’ time, you’ll see what I can do.’

So, I didn’t want to come, but for the sake of the collective, I’ve spoken a bit. ‘Methods’ are just ‘methods,’ after all. Finally, I offer a few altered Tang dynasty verses to our leading cadres:
‘Spring sleep comes unnoticed, everywhere the birds are chirping.
Two years ago we called for a crackdown, but how many results were there?’

In fact, ‘retaliation’ not only exists but can be proven to be widespread. Some people are afraid of the term ‘retaliation.’ What’s the big deal? It’s an internal problem, and there are worse issues to address. Still, I advise the Party Committee to repent, though I won’t press the matter for now.” “For the sake of the nation’s future, for the collective, I’m revealing just a glimpse of the truth. Here’s a little rhyme for the Party Committee:
‘This mountain is mine, this tree is mine.
If anyone dares to walk this way, they must bow their head.’

This kind of mentality is one form of ideological expression. But such ‘moral precepts’ won’t convince anyone. What happens if someone dares to raise their head? Simple! They’ll be accused of three major offenses:

While everyone else behaves obediently, you alone ’cause trouble,’
You ‘deliberately disrupt the order.'” (Shandong University, Xu Siyuan)

“ He is a leader, appointed by the government; if you oppose him, you are opposing the government; opposing the government is equivalent to subverting the people’s government. This is how someone becomes a ‘current counter-revolutionary element.’

These three arguments are used flexibly, for example: ‘opposing the organization,’ ‘plotting to overthrow,’ ‘publicly insulting the Party,’ etc. These tactics are incredibly clever, adaptable to dealing with bureaucratism from above, terrifying the masses below, and handling factionalists in the middle. They’re effective in all cases. Everyone knows how to perform tricks, but each has their own finesse.

If this still doesn’t work, more rumors can be fabricated to bolster the case, like the one about voting for an American movie star in an election. Such rumors don’t necessarily come from the masses. During movements, when people are encouraged to boldly question and expose, such things are inevitable. But our Party Committee doesn’t even need encouragement; we can invent and create to handle any situation. Who says our Party Committee isn’t creative? I disagree. Aren’t these all creations?

If you still don’t yield after being ‘struck down,’ there’s a rhyme to describe what comes next:
‘We’ll make you dead, you won’t survive,
Your status and rights will be stripped,
No research allowed,
Your family, friends, and even your wife and kids will be targeted,
Let’s see if you bow your head then.’

And if you still don’t bow, and somehow you don’t die, what happens then? Don’t worry, there’s already a plan:
‘If you don’t die, I’ll just make a self-criticism,
Blame the organization, the organization will take responsibility.’

Once the three-step process is complete, the government will ‘summarize’ (there’s a trick here: it’s best to do the summary while the ‘troublemaker’ is out of town).
Since they didn’t die, the movement is basically healthy. We clarified some issues, and the results are positive. Of course, given our limitations, a few minor mistakes were inevitable. Some say there was “retaliation,” but that’s impossible—it’s just an issue of personal attitude; only a tiny number of individuals feel that way.’

And there’s another trick: during an expanded school committee meeting, outside the movement, there’s a ‘summary discussion,’ and everything is settled.

The above is an example of how a ‘strike’ starts, proceeds through three stages, and ends with a bit of ‘nonsense.’

This is just an example, of course. In different situations, flexibility is needed. Don’t be dogmatic (in this respect, we have to admire our Party Committee’s application of ‘dialectics’). In short, everything revolves around a guiding principle (for now, that’s confidential), but this guiding principle is definitely not the one we used when leading the Anti-Japanese War before liberation.”

(Shandong University, Dong Xingbei)

“In conclusion, the higher-ups’ decisions are always wise, the movements are fundamentally healthy, and the achievements are undeniable. Mistakes are covered up as successes, and errors are portrayed as achievements, leading to endless praise. Even when committing grave errors, it’s seen as a great contribution to the revolution.

But this approach leads to the following consequences:

We can’t learn from mistakes. After the Three-Anti campaign, the Anti-Rightist campaign repeated the same mistakes.
Party members and committees grow arrogant, believing they are made of ‘special material,’ and that mistakes and errors only come from the masses.
Flattery and praise are welcomed by the Party, while honest criticism is seen as opposition to the Party, labeling critics as backward or reactionary.
Bureaucratism takes root, and factionalism grows.
The wall between the Party and the masses grows higher, and the divide deepens.
Truth becomes obscured, and people dare not speak out. The atmosphere is oppressively heavy—if not for the ‘blooming and contending’ policy, who could imagine the future?”
(Shandong University, Wang Yingsu)

“The Communist Party is even more dangerous than the Kuomintang. When the Kuomintang officials committed disgraceful acts, the newspapers exposed them in great detail. But what about the Communist Party? They only punish a few low-level cadres or small Party members to show they’re doing something…”
(Lanzhou University, Wu Zhongdao)

“The Party is a self-serving group. Its struggles are for the benefit of a few Party members, though they give the people some small favors to secure their loyalty. As for the Soviet Union, they just want to gain some benefits from it, using ‘learning from the Soviet Union’ as a way to maintain their own interests, without truly considering class interests. They proclaim that the Party is a proletarian party, but that’s just a way to deceive the working class. The Party doesn’t truly serve the working class.

The Kuomintang is corrupt and despicable, but in essence, the Communist Party is no different—they just use different methods. The Communist Party is better at giving small favors to the people and is more cunning than the Kuomintang.”
(Lanzhou University, Tian Changwen)

“The Communist Party’s method of ruling is far more sophisticated than the Kuomintang’s. They know how to gather the support of workers and peasants, ensuring that they have the numbers on their side, making them unassailable.

The Communist Party is a more dangerous political party, a more dangerous ruling group. They take advantage of China’s large population and poverty, using Marxism-Leninism—specifically economic egalitarianism—as a weapon to win the support of the workers and peasants.”
(Lanzhou University, Qu Jianying)

“Communism and the Communist Party are cut from the same cloth. I want to be a ‘just’ person, so I won’t join the Party or the Youth League. The people they recruit have no brains. I’m a fair-minded person with a brain. The Communist Party’s policies are extreme and unrealistic. I’m clear-headed and don’t want to muddle through life with them. I’ve never seen a Party grassroots organization that is fair. The policies might be good, but most grassroots organizations and Party members aren’t, and the policies aren’t always carried out properly.”
(Lanzhou University, Ma Qikai)

“Everything develops from quantitative to qualitative changes. One day, the Communist Party will also become corrupt.”
(Russian Language Institute, Shen Zhaoyu)

“Those with connections climb higher. If you have someone to back you, you’ll rise. Talent and merit are meaningless.
Nepotism is rampant. If this wind isn’t curbed,
The blood and sweat of the common people will never be avenged.
Officials protect each other, ties are deep.
Corruption flourishes. The country will never thrive under these conditions.”
(Russian Language Institute, Hao Jun)

“Opposing the Party isn’t the same as being counter-revolutionary.
I still believe that ‘opposing the Party isn’t counter-revolutionary.’ Opposing the Party refers to opposing its factionalism, its policies, and its ‘Three Evils,’ among other aspects. This should be allowed, and it shouldn’t be considered counter-revolutionary, nor should anyone be arrested for it. Legally, it’s not a crime.”
(Russian Language Institute, Gao Jie)

‘Acute Nasal Catarrh’: “Bureaucratism sticks its nose in the air. One day it rains, and water fills the nostrils, causing inflammation. After three days, the sense of smell is lost, the disease spreads, and the whole body is paralyzed. The connection to the masses is lost. No one seeks treatment, and death is inevitable. The masses cheer, ‘The Three Evils have been rectified.’
An old man saw a statue and approached, thinking it was a god. Upon closer inspection, he realized it was just a person standing high above, pretending to be almighty, demanding loyalty.”
(Sichuan Agricultural College, Guo Junquan)”

“I question whether the Party is truly loyal to the people.”

“The Party organization indeed has factionalism, and it is quite serious. When Party members make mistakes, they are handled internally; when the masses make mistakes, they are publicly criticized. Some Party members, who lack both virtue and talent, are unjustly promoted.”
(Northwest College of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Medicine, Miu Yanyong)

“The Communist Party specializes in targeting good people… They say the Party is selfless, but I see it as selfish and devoid of public interest.”
(Northwest College of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Medicine, Wang Jigang)

“If I were to describe the Communist Party, it would be like this: A Party hat on its head, with ‘Politics’ written across its eyes. One ear listens to the Party members, the other to the Youth League members. Its mouth bites down on those with historical issues, one hand grabs the aspiring individuals to use as tools, while the other holds Party membership applications. Its waist is tightly bound by the ‘Three Evils,’ and it kicks at those who aren’t loyal to it.”
(Northwest College of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Medicine, Zhao Huanzhi)

“There are some Party members who find ‘honest people’ to be the most agreeable. These ‘honest people’ never oppose anything, they just raise their hands and always comply. This is what they consider to be ‘loyalty’ and ‘progress.’ Anyone who frequently offers suggestions or critiques is labeled as ‘arrogant’ or ‘trying to stand out.’ As soon as you raise an issue, another Party member will come talk to you privately, saying, ‘You’re attacking others and elevating yourself,’ leaving you feeling like you’ve swallowed bitterness without being able to speak up.

Such ‘honest people’ are often the ones who get into the Party because they are seen as ‘loyal.’ As more of these types of members are brought in, the Party grows increasingly distant from the masses, who despise such people. Over time, only the pleasing voices are heard, and the ‘honest ones’ are favored. This only worsens the bureaucratic tendencies. The people who are cultivated under this system end up with a servant mentality, lacking independent thinking.

Those labeled as ‘arrogant’ or ‘trying to stand out’ are often stuck with that label forever, no matter what they do. It’s like a hat they can never take off, even after five or six years. It molds and festers, but whenever they try to take it off, others push it back on. To be honest, who would want to step forward in such an unhealthy environment, just to ‘show off’ and ‘elevate’ themselves, knowing that all they’ll receive in return is criticism? The only way to survive is to tell lies during self-criticism, and the listener sometimes even praises it as being ‘deep’ and ‘insightful.’ That’s how lies proliferate.”
(Sichuan Agricultural College, Shou Jiantang)

“Over the years, many facts have shown that Party members enjoy special privileges. That’s why there’s a saying in the background: ‘Party members are made of special material, so they naturally deserve privileges.’ Take the selection of students studying abroad as an example. For non-Party members, it’s almost impossible to be chosen; those sent abroad are mostly Party members, or at least Youth League members. This is to ensure ‘political reliability.’ While it’s understandable that political reliability is important, are all non-Party members unreliable? The selection process is entirely controlled by the personnel department, which knows the political backgrounds but not necessarily the academic qualifications. Professors, who should have a say in whether someone is academically promising, have no voice in the matter. They say it’s a Ministry of Education regulation, but regardless of who made it, this cannot be seen as normal. How can we unite the masses and mobilize all positive forces to build socialism this way? I ask: Is there any country, capitalist or socialist, where only ruling party members are sent to study abroad?”
(Sichuan Agricultural College, Shou Jiantang)

“When a class is not yet the ruling class, it has prestige. Once it becomes the ruling class, its prestige declines, and it forgets the people. The people will oppose it. I believe our revolution was for the benefit of a small group of Communist Party members, while countless farmers died in the revolution. When the Communist Party was struggling, they wore straw sandals. Now, those same people who wore straw sandals live in Western-style houses and ride in cars, while the farmers still live in thatched huts. It seems like the Communist Party has forgotten its pain after its scars healed.”
(Northeast Forestry College, Chen Dayao)

“If I were on the front line, I’d turn my gun around and shoot the Communist Party. If I had a machine gun, that would be even better. Every movement led by the Party is like a cat fighting a wolf, with both sides getting hurt. Mistakes in mass movements are inevitable, but after every movement, they always have to make corrections.”
(Northeast Forestry College, Jin Bowen)

“At first, the Kuomintang was good during its initial ten years, but it deteriorated later. The Communist Party has only unified China for seven or eight years, and already it’s in such a mess.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Dong Mei Kang)

“The Communist Party is no different from the Kuomintang. Just look at Hungary, where the Communist Party ruled for ten years—what did they accomplish? The results speak for themselves.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Cen Lan)

“The Party is a factionalist clique. If you obey them, you have a future. If not, they will suppress you.”
“Factionalism is like a poisonous snake, dividing us into different circles. Party members are the first class, non-Party members are the third class, and Youth League members are somewhere in between. The traps within traps, the separation between the backward and the advanced, the old and the new—these divisions fracture us internally, while on the surface, we seem united.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Liu Wen)

“As long as there is a Party, there will be factions. As long as there are officials, there will be bureaucracy. To eliminate factions and bureaucracy, the Party itself must cease to exist.”
(Sun Yat-sen University, Liu Wen)

“If the Communist Party truly represents the working class, then why do workers strike with their hammers?”
(Zhongnan Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Huang Jichun)

“The government should dismantle the Party’s leadership structures to save manpower and money for construction.”
(Zhongnan Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Long Yongfan)

“I must specifically mention something that should alert everyone: after liberation, many people have joined the Party, and striving to join the Party has become fashionable—not just for upright people but also for those seeking personal fame and status. Some of these people have already joined the Party. We must resolutely purge them. Some remain outside the Party, even being labeled as ‘active members,’ using all kinds of tactics to curry favor with Party leaders. They flatter the Party’s shortcomings like the fox praising the crow. They sacrifice the interests of the masses to please their superiors, making some Party cadres feel flattered and even lose their principles. We must be vigilant against such people and stir public opinion to put moral pressure on them.

Most of the Communist Party has already deteriorated. Otherwise, why would 90% oppose the idea of ‘letting a hundred schools of thought contend’?

The Party doesn’t internally expose its problems first, it lets others criticize them first. What kind of logic is that? First listen to external criticism, then self-criticism?

If Chairman Mao dies, it would be truly dangerous. Right now, it’s mostly his opinions being implemented, and others merely carry out his policies.

The Party’s illness has reached a critical stage, and now it forbids exposure. If this continues, it’s bound to collapse.

If I were Chairman Mao, I would first eliminate Japan to avenge the past and promptly reflect on our mistakes.

In reality, the Chinese Communist Party is also doctrinaire; we just don’t know the details. Just look at how Li Lisan asked the Soviet Union for lovers—that’s doctrinaire thinking.

If Party members don’t engage in manual labor, they are bound to become corrupt. This is an ironclad rule. Once they live a comfortable life, no matter how high their ideals, it’s useless. This is the reason many Party members become corrupt.

These old Party members still think the world is theirs because they fought for it, so now they feel entitled to enjoy it.”
“I’m not in favor of chanting ‘Long Live,’ especially not for individuals like Chairman Mao. The idea of shouting ‘Long Live’ doesn’t hold much rationality.”

Dissatisfaction with the Party’s reporting system. They believe Party and Youth League members are informants. They think that the mistakes in the Anti-Rightist Campaign and the cultural policies were caused by the mistakes of the Central Committee itself.
(Russian Language Academy, Lan Yingnian)

“Now it’s just a one-party rule. Chu Anping’s claim that it’s the ‘Party’s world’ isn’t harsh enough—it should be called Communist Party dictatorship. I agree with all the criticisms against the Party. The Communist Party is hypocritical—it claims to serve the people, but that’s not the case. Otherwise, why did the workers and peasants in Hungary overthrow the Communist Party? The ‘Hundred Flowers Campaign’ has caused the Party to lose its prestige; the Party’s face has been exposed among the intellectual elite.”
(Yunnan University, Li Weiji)

“Logic Outline”

Party mistakes are individual issues; criticizing them is opposing the entire Party.
Democracy and freedom are gifts from the Party; demanding more is inciting trouble.
Flattery and praise are considered top virtues, while pointing out mistakes is seen as denying everything.
Keeping everything secret is seen as vigilance; revealing myths is considered slander and defamation.
Absolute obedience is seen as simple-mindedness; adding thought to it implies wavering political stance.
Political courses are a fundamental principle; questioning them means opposing Marxism-Leninism.
The state system is already perfect; criticizing it further is labeled as conspiracy and rebellion.
Political hierarchy is the lever of governance; eliminating it would cause chaos.
Everything from the Soviet Union is adopted, and anyone who calls it doctrinaire is accused of stirring trouble between China and the USSR.
The ‘Three Evils’ 【sanhai 三害】 (bureaucratism, sectarianism, and subjectivism官僚主义、宗派主义、教条主义) arise from human nature, and anyone overly sensitive to them has ulterior motives. Anyone who meets these conditions is a ‘defender of orthodoxy.’”
(Beijing University, Zhang Xikun)

During a study group discussion on June 19, in which the People’s Daily editorial titled “Is This a Matter of Political Stance?” was reviewed, someone said: “This is not about political stance; it’s because the Communist Party is just too bad. In all summaries—from the academy leadership, committees, even Premier Zhou’s summaries—they all dodge the issue and cover up mistakes, hiding them within the Party, afraid that others knowing would affect the Party’s prestige. The Communist Party makes mistakes and doesn’t correct them.”
(Hubei Medical College, Li Yuting)